ABSTRACTS

01On the Implication of the “Middle Ground” to the Strategic Competition between China and the United States,by Teng Jianqun, senior research fellow from CIIS, and Wei Honglang, graduate student from the Foreign Studies College of Hunan Normal University.As China and the U.S.are currently engaging in a full-fledged strategic competition, a “middle ground” between them is emerging.Relying on the international order and rules, military alliance and value-oriented diplomacy established by the U.S.after World War II, the Biden administration is trying to isolate China by forming international cliques in order to shape a situation favorable to its strategic competition with China.Since the founding of the PRC, Chinese leaders have always attached great importance to winning over and uniting with the majority of the international community.The “middle ground” theory and the later division of “three worlds” proposed by late Chairman Mao Zedong helped China to win international support and created favorable external conditions and environment for China’s reform and opening-up.Presently, faced with the aggressive strategic competition from the U.S., China should attach great importance to doing a good job in winning over the “middle ground”.

18Digital Hegemony and U.S.’ Containment of China’s Development in Science and Technology,by Dr.Jiang Zhida, associate research fellow, CIIS, and Dr.Cui Yue, associate professor from the China-Australia Center, University of International Business and Economics.With the advent of the digital age, the U.S.is facing fierce competition in digital technology, while China’s rise in this field has seriously challenged the digital hegemony of the United States.In view of the role played by digital technology in maintaining U.S.hegemony, the subversive effect of digital technology on national strength, and the rise and fall of power of countries in the field of digital technology, the U.S.administration has adopted a series of measures to enhance its digital hegemony.By politicizing, securing and barricading digital technology, the U.S.has created an artificial “digital iron curtain”, not only waging a technological cold war against China, but also stepping up its protectionist policies.This vicious competition has worsened the international environment for global and regional cooperation, which is not conducive to countries sharing the fruits of the development of digital economy and narrowing the digital divide, and has bad effects on open cooperation in digital technology industry.This will inevitably undermine the adaptability and competitiveness of U.S.enterprises in the global market in the end.

34New Changes in U.S.-Maldives Relations from the Indo-Pacific Perspective,by Li Yibo, associate professor from the School of Marxism, Beijing Institute of Graphic Communication.The Maldives occupies an important strategic position in the Indian Ocean and the Indo-Pacific region.The U.S.is trying to integrate the Maldives into the overall planning of its “Indo-Pacific strategy” by interfering in the political development of, increasing its economic assistance to, strengthening its military presence in and expanding its social and cultural exchanges with the Maldives.The U.S.policy adjustment on the Maldives has clearly derived from its geopolitical considerations, in an attempt to hedge against China’s political and economic influence in the Maldives so as to undercut China’s influence in the Indian Ocean.However, multiple factors will keep the U.S.and the Maldives from getting closer to each other, as uncertainties remain in the Maldives’ policy choice.Moreover, although the U.S.and India will further coordinate and cooperate in their policies on the Maldives, their fundamental differences will not be resolved.

52The French “Indo-Pacific Strategy”: Connotation, Motivation and Limitation,by Li Ying, doctoral student of international relations from the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University, and Chen Xiang, lecturer from the School of International Relations, University of International Business and Economics.France, which has direct sovereign interests and permanent military presence in the Indo-Pacific region, is the first EU country to propose its “Indo-Pacific strategy”.The French “Indo-Pacific strategy” is intended to establish a stable multilateral order in the region through military and multilateral cooperation.To this end, France has increasingly enhanced its military deployment in the Indo-Pacific region and strengthened military cooperation with regional countries focusing on maritime security to establish an Indo-Pacific network of partnership centering on France, India and Australia.In doing so, France wishes to revive its status as a great global power, echo US counterbalance against China, ensure the security of France and its overseas territories, and expand its economic, trade and marine economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region.

69The German “Indo-Pacific Strategy”: Strategic Considerations, Characteristics and Impacts,by Zhao Ningning, associate professor from the School of Politics and International Studies, Central China Normal University.In September 2020, Germany issued a landmark document on its “Indo-Pacific strategy” ---- Germany-Europe-Asia: Jointly Shape the 21st Century, which explicitly states “the Indo-Pacific region is a priority for German foreign policy”.Germany’s “Indo-Pacific strategy” is characterized by the conceptual openness of the “Indo-Pacific”, the comprehensiveness of interest appeals, the multilateralism of action approach and the solidness of policy initiatives, which implicitly manifests Germany’s important considerations to face up the new geopolitical and economic situation in the Indo-Pacific, meet the strategic needs of the U.S.to a certain extent, safeguard its own strategic interests and lead the formulation of an EU “Indo-Pacific strategy”.Although Germany’s “Indo-Pacific strategy” is opposed to being forced to take sides between China and the U.S., its China policy is enhanced by concerns of “economic security” and “civilization power”.

86Japan’s Diplomacy towards ASEAN from the Perspective of Its “Indo-Pacific Strategy”,by Bi Shihong, professor from the Institute of International Relations and the Center for Neighborhood Diplomacy, Yunnan University.Ever since Japan put forward “a free and open Indo-Pacific” strategy, ASEAN countries have become the cut-in point of Japan to establish an Indo-Pacific order.Japan has carried out a lot of cooperation with ASEAN countries in safeguarding a free and open regional order, high-quality infrastructure building, connectivity, construction of economic zones, and ensuring maritime security.However, as its “Indo-Pacific strategy” is still in the conceptual stage, it is difficult for Japan to lead ASEAN countries into the track it desires.As ASEAN pursues a balanced diplomacy towards major countries to maintain stable relations with them, it wishes to maintain its centrality in the Indo-Pacific order through cooperation with Japan, so as to achieve a dynamic balance in the Indo-Pacific region.This will exert major impacts on the future development of international relations in this region.

104Analysis of the Moon Jae-in Administration’s Wavering Stance on China Policy,by Li Jun, director and senior research fellow from the Institute of World Thoughts under the Institute for International Strategic Studies of the Party School of the Central Committee of CPC (National Academy of Governance).In late May 2021, the presidents of South Korea and the United States issued a joint statement, and much of its content is directly or indirectly directed to China.In particular, it publicly mentioned the Taiwan issue for the first time, which is also the first time since China and the ROK established diplomatic ties.Compared with its previous stance of “strategic ambiguity” between China and the U.S., the Moon Jae-in administration’s China policy has been shaken.Such a change has derived from multiple factors.On the whole, American pressure on the ROK, interest appeals of the South Korean government, its cognition of China and its political calculations have jointly contributed to the change.The year of 2022 marks the 30th anniversary of China-ROK diplomatic ties, and it will also witness the birth of a new South Korean administration, which provides an important opportunity for China and the ROK to deepen their relations.

11830 Years of China-ASEAN Dialogue: A Retrospect and Prospect of Economic and Trade Cooperation,by Hu Yi, associate professor from the Center for Economic Development Studies, Wuhan University, and Long Xu, graduate student from the Economics and Management School, Wuhan University.The year of 2021 witnesses the 30th anniversary of the establishment of China-ASEAN dialogue.Over the time, on the basis of equal dialogue and friendly consultation, the two sides have achieved fruitful results in economic and trade cooperation.Particularly, they became each other’s largest trading partner in 2020, which has laid a solid economic foundation for furthering their friendly cooperation in the next stage.In the new era, China’s new development pattern, restructuring of its regional industrial and supply chains, development of digital economy and new infrastructural construction, coupled with the signing and implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), have brought new opportunities and vitality to further deepening China-ASEAN economic and trade cooperation.