Ｗｏｍｅｎ’ｓ Ｒｉｇｈｔｓ Ａｓ Ｓｅｅｎ ｉｎ Ｌａｄｙ Ｃｈａｔｔｅｒｌｅｙ’ｓ Ｌｏｖｅｒ ａｎｄ Ａ Ｓｔｏｒｙ ｏｆ Ｏｎｅ Ｍａｎ ａｎｄ Ｔｈｒｅｅ Ｗｏｍｅｎ

Abstract:In China， Pan Jinlian is a household character， and in England ，lady Chatterley is similar to Pan Jinlian in David Herbert Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. In this paper， I would like to introduce Lady Chatterley’s Lover and A Story of One Man and Three Women. Simply .I will analyze the reasons why they were out of marriage and the psychology of the desire for sex. And also I will discuss the social reality at that time， reflect their pursues for love was made use of by the society which gave a wrong comments on women’s value. These two women’s rebellions was a pursue for women’s rights， the enslavement of sex was a symbol of women’s rights.

Key Words: women’s rights

【中圖分類號】I106 【文獻標識碼】A 【文章編號】1002-2139(2009)-17-0040-03

一、History of women’s rights movement

“Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful， committed citizens can change the world. Indeed， it's the only thing that ever has。” That was Margaret Mead's conclusion after a lifetime of observing very diverse cultures around the world. Her insight has been borne out time and again throughout the development of this country of ours. Being allowed to live life in an atmosphere of religious freedom， having a voice in the government you support with your taxes， living free of lifelong enslavement by another person. These beliefs about how life should and must be lived were once considered outlandish by many. But these beliefs were fervently held by visionaries whose steadfast work brought about changed minds and attitudes. Now these beliefs are commonly shared across U.S. society.

Another initially outlandish idea that has come to pass: United States citizenship for women. 1998 marked the 150th Anniversary of a movement by women to achieve full civil rights in this country. Over the past seven generations， dramatic social and legal changes have been accomplished that are now so accepted that they go unnoticed by people whose lives they have utterly changed. Many people who have lived through the recent decades of this process have come to accept blithely what has transpired. And younger people， for the most part， can hardly believe life was ever otherwise. They take the changes completely in stride， as how life has always been.

The staggering changes for women that have come about over those seven generations in family life， in religion， in government， in employment， in education - these changes did not just happen spontaneously. Women themselves made these changes happen， verydeliberately.

Women have not been the passive recipients of miraculous changes in laws and human nature. Seven generations of women have come together to affect these changes in the most democratic ways: through meetings， petition drives， lobbying， public speaking， and nonviolent resistance. They have worked very deliberately to create a better world， and they have succeeded hugely.

Throughout 1998， the 150th anniversary of the Women's Rights Movement is being celebrated across the nation with programs and events taking every form imaginable. Like many amazing stories， the history of the Women's Rights Movement began with a small group of people questioning why human lives were being unfairly constricted The questions of whether the state should censor sexual material or determine the age we are allowed to have sex are highly contested， within the wider socialist movement， and in our Those who argue in favor of state censorship usually make a distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ pornography， contrasting ‘erotica’ showing loving mutual relationships with ‘pornography’ which illustrates sexual attitudes stemming directly from the oppressive nature of our society and its chauvinist attitude towards women. In fact， no such binary distinction can be made. All sexual publications (not to mention all other publications) are deeply influenced by the prevailing ideologies of capitalist society. We cannot escape them， any more than we can escape capitalist relations of production， until we have achieved our aim of destroying this type of society for good。

In a socialist society， run by the working class in the interests of all， sexual expression will begin to reflect the freedoms that will be gained. In the meantime， the restrictions on our lives will restrict our sexuality – both in terms of what we believe we are capable of and in terms of practical considerations such as wage labor， family and contraception. Women， in particular， are limited by our role as child-bearers in a society which does not allow mothers a full role in production. It is hardly surprising that popular literature， from pornography to the tabloids， portrays women as almost exclusively reatures of the kitchen and the bedroom。

But this material is a product of the nature of our society. It is not a cause of the oppression of women. Censorship of material depicting oppression (however distasteful one may consider it) will not change that oppression. And who should censor it? In whose interests would they do so?

As a product of society， pornography also perpetuates the nature of society. Socialists see every day how capitalist control of the media furthers the cause of capitalism; state control of pornography would further the cause of the sexual relations which exist under capitalism – norms based on women trapped within the structure of the bourgeois family， with access only to low-wage and intermittent employment.

二、 Sexuality and the state

The British state encourages the suppression of homosexuality， for instance by blatant differentiation in the age of consent (16 for heterosexuals， 18 for homosexuals). Placing the power to censor in the hands of this state can only support and extend these oppressive policies. Any sexuality which goes beyond the norms of the family and labor relations supported by capitalism is seen as a threat to capitalism itself. Insofar as alternative expressions of sexuality find a voice in this society， that will be held back by strengthened censorship powers for the state。

Socialist Labor policy calls for the equalization of the age of consent. We should go further than this and oppose any state interference in the developing sexuality of young people. Age of consent laws impose arbitrary limits on sexual expression. They are widely ignored， and pay no attention whatsoever to the real ability of teenagers to give informed consent. Worse， they encourage a dangerous ignorance about sexual health and contraception among those deemed too young to know. And prosecution (or threatened prosecution) of teenagers for having informed consensual sex with often only slightly younger teenagers can only disguise and alibi real sexual abuse and rape， which are of course criminal acts that must be prosecuted. We are opposed to all non-consensual sex， whatever the age of the victim。

Legislation allowing the state any control over sexuality will do nothing to protect the oppressed. The essential function of the state is to protect capitalism， the system that oppresses millions of women and children every day. To expect a few benevolent judges or legislators to contradict this function is to live in a utopian fantasy。

Sexual abuse and rape of children and forced participation of children in the making of pornography are extreme expressions of the increasing ills of capitalist society. They are perpetuated not only in grossly deformed perceptions about sexuality， but in the material world in which children grow up. To provide a real end to this oppression we need to radically change that world.

三、Fighting the causes of oppression

Socialist Labor recognizes this through our policies – the right to free contraception and abortion for all， at any age; financial independence for women through a decent minimum wage and equal levels of benefit， equal pay and maternity leave on full pay; free quality childcare at all times， free healthcare and decent housing for all. These measures will ensure that children are born to parents who want them and have the economic means to give them opportunities denied to millions of children today， in Britain and around the world. We must also fight to take real measures against sexual abuse， not against images of that abuse. We should support the legalization of prostitution， combined with free health care and the unionization of sex workers to allow them to fight， with other workers， to improve their conditions. Associated with this is the legalization of all drugs， which will allow proper health care and treatment for addicts instead of a situation where many feel they have little choice but to turn to prostitution. Protecting children involves comprehensive childcare and after-school care， free leisure activities in their communities， and sex education at all levels of schooling. We need to recognize that most sexual abuse occurs in the family， a structure which provides some solace from the rawer edges of capitalism， but which can also be an economic trap for women and children suffering violence and abuse. As a temporary measure we need more refuges for women and children; on an on-going basis we need to build the above policies into real financial independence for all. Our fight for these policies will illustrate one thing above all – that capitalist society cannot sustain and will not tolerate such a system. By demanding these basic rights we will be challenging the very foundations of capitalism and making it clear to all that only a socialist society can provide a safe， caring and stimulating environment for future gender actions。

四、Women and Socialist Labor

Socialist Labor has an unfortunately low ratio of women members， and the development of women’s sections is only in its infancy. Women’s sections， at all levels from local to national， can provide a valuable opportunity for women comrades to share ideas with other women across the party， and， crucially， to focus on bringing more women into the party. But we cannot leave the women’s section with either the mandate or the responsibility to formulate our policy on women – to do so would be to condemn these issues to the sidelines. The fight for women’s liberation is integrally linked with our fight for the liberation of all – if our male comrades do not participate then that fight is doomed to failure. Unlike feminists， socialist women recognize that our oppression is a product of class oppression. Working class women have far less in common with bourgeois women than with our male workmates and family. Our chances of success are far greater if we fight alongside them， as struggles of recent years in the mines and on the Liverpool docks have graphically shown. Feminism， an ideology which (in various forms) presents sexual oppression as the fundamental division in society， poses real dangers for our movement. Feminism and socialism are different things. Feminism cannot simply be equated with the fight for women’s rights. It puts forward the damaging ideology that women of different classes can fight oppression on the same basis – thereby automatically confining the fight within the boundaries of capitalism. The feminist movement of today is a direct descendent of the early British feminists， such as the suffragists under Emetine Pinehurst， who fought long and bravely for the vote – but focused on the interests of bourgeois women， using arguments about the conservative nature of women and their stabilizing effect on capitalist society. The extension of suffrage to women (first from the age of 30 then moving gradually down to 18) is an important gain within capitalist society. From the time of the Chartists， British socialists have fought to extend democratic rights. We recognize and defend these gains， but we must understand the limited value of gains made under the present system in changing the lives of working class women. While we share some of the aims of the suffragists， this is not our tradition. Instead our sympathies lie with Sylvia Pinehurst， who rejected her mother’s bourgeois feminism and fought， not only for the vote， but to improve the living conditions of poverty-stricken women in the East End， and aligned herself with the Russian Bolsheviks in the interests of finding an international， working-class solution to ending all oppression.

Conclusion

Of course I would not like to support the women to let their sex have their own way ，but I strongly insist on pursuing for their needs in a right way .Like lady Chatterley and Pan Jinlian ，although they are rebellious ，we know the reasons for their rebellions just the society and capitalist .Meanwhile I believe that with the development of our society ，people’s views on sex will be changed to be more and more objective .Women’s rights will be protected by our society and law .

Reference:

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[2] 羅婷.女性主義文學與歐美文學研究.北京.東方出版社.2002.11

[3] 高繼海.英國小說史.河南大學出版社.1999.1

[4] 朱光潛.西方美學史上下卷(第二版).人民文學出版社.1979

[5] 孫亞杰.世界名著導讀.北京.新華出版社.2000.9