Abstracts

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NIU Dongfang & SHEN Zhaoli & HUANG Meibo

【Abstract】The digital economy in Southeast Asia has shown a strong market demand since the outbreak of the epidemic. Southeast Asian countries have launched digital development strategies, market players have actively participated in innovation and investment, and international digital powers are also rapidly deploying digital businesses in Southeast Asia. The development of Southeast Asia’s digital economy shows a good momentum and prospects. In general, the number of Internet users， the scale of the digital economy has continued to expand. New models and new formats such as e-commerce, online education, telemedicine, and telecommuting have developed rapidly. Traditional industries have accelerated the pace of digital transformation. The digital economy has become a strong driving force, an important engine for the economic development of Southeast Asia, also a key starting point of countries to achieve economic recovery and promote transformation and development. However, it should be seen that the digital economy in Southeast Asia is still in its infancy, and the supporting hardware facilities and software technical support capabilities need to be further strengthened. At the same time, due to the different levels of economic development in Southeast Asia, the huge digital divide and low synergy efficiency also hinder the development of its digital economy. In the next step, Southeast Asia’s digital economy must seize the growth point of new consumption, and focus on investment in new fields to enhance development competitiveness; focus on the cultivation of new capabilities, enhance development sustainability, and further strengthen regional digital economy integration cooperation promote the development of the digital economy to a wider, deeper and higher level.

【Keywords】Southeast Asia; Digital Economy; Digital Integration; New Consumption

【Authors】NIU Dongfang, Associate Research Fellow, International Development Cooperation Academy, Shanghai University of International Business and Economics, Shanghai, China; SHEN Zhaoli, Master Degree Candidate, School of International Business, Shanghai University of International Business and Economics, Shanghai, China; HUANG Meibo, Professor, International Development Cooperation Academy, Shanghai University of International Business and Economics, Shanghai, China

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YIN Mengmeng

【Abstract】The Philippines pursued “follow-the-U.S. diplomacy” in foreign policy after independence because of its “special relationship” with the United States and the need to “fight communism” during the Cold War. Philippine “Asian Identity” has become stronger with the development of Filipino nationalism, and its foreign policy has gradually changed. Philippine Asian policy has gone through the game of “handling Asian affairs with Asians” and “depending on relations with the United States”, and finally formed a new position between the Asian identity and the development of relations with the United States after the efforts of several governments. The Philippines. “Return to Asia” is not only based on the immutability of geographical location, but is also a respones to the development of nationalism, the pursuit of national interests, the general environment of the Cold War and the local environment of the hot war in the region, the adjustment of the U.S. policy towards the Philippines and the attitudes of its Asian neighbors, and so on. Although the Philippines and the United States still had incomparable relationship in terms of military security during the Cold War, the relationship between the two countries continued to develop in the direction of healthy inter-state relations in the long term.

【Keywords】The Philippines; Asian Policy; Philippine-U.S. Relations; Nationalism; Return to Asia; Cold War

【Author】YIN Mengmeng, Lecturer, History College, Anhui Normal University, Wuhu, China

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QUAN Yi & Gao Junxing

【Abstract】RCEP and CPTPP are the latest developments in regional integration in the Asia-Pacific region, and their geographical and membership overlap makes them two parallel competitive paths for Asia-Pacific regional integration. The competitiveness of regional economic groupings depends not only on the size of their economies, but also on the attractiveness of established rules, the soft and hard power of the Leading Power. The signing of the RCEP and its entry into force could alleviate geopolitical and economic pressures on China. China also indicated that it will actively apply to join the CPTPP, a new economic cooperation mechanism in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper argues that there is still potential for expansion of the CPTPP. China’s participation in the CPTPP has important geopolitical effect in the context of the increasingly fierce game between major powers in the Asia-Pacific region. China should take the initiative to meet the high standards of the CPTPP and build a high-quality market economic system that is harmonized with the systems, rules and standards of developed countries. However, it is undeniable that China still has many obstacles to overcome on the road to joining the CPTPP.

【Keywords】TPP； CPTPP； RCEP； Asia-Pacific Regional Cooperation; Economic Integration; Geopolitics

【Authors】QUAN Yi, Research Fellow, Asia-Pacific Economic Research Institute, Fujian Academy of Social Sciences, Fuzhou, China; Gao Junxing, Associate Professor, Fanli Business School, Shaoxing Vocational & Technical College, Shaoxing, China

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CHEN Fei & JIAN Binhua

【Abstract】Since the Biden administration came to power, US policy in Southeast Asia has been oriented towards reshaping the regional order, making significant adjustments from its relatively marginal position in foreign relations under the Trump administration. The Biden administration has shown a preference for minilateral arrangements while weakening the ASEAN center, instead of a return to traditional multilateralism; US has increased the regional security risk by further strengthening military presence in the South China Sea and introduced nuclear threats; meanwhile, US has proposed new economic initiatives to increase its economic influence in Southeast Asia. The Biden administration’s Southeast Asia policy is aimed at preventing new changes in regional rules and order that would be detrimental to the United States, with the overall goal of containing China’s development and building a “free and open” Indo’Pacific region. The adjustments of the Biden administration’s policy towards Southeast Asia may weaken the centrality of ASEAN in the regional structure, increase China’s regional security pressure, bring greater challenges to China’s neighborhood diplomacy, which are becoming an important variable factors affecting the stability of the regional order. However, due to several internal and external factors of US, it remains to be seen whether the adjustments of Biden administration’s Southeast Asia policy will achieve the expected goals.

【Keywords】The Biden Administration; Southeast Asia Policy; ASEAN Centrality; Minilateralism; Neighborhood Diplomacy

【Authors】CHEN Fei, Associate Professor, School of Politics and International Studies, Central China Normal University, Wuhan, China; JIAN Binhua, Master Degree Candidate, School of Politics and International Studies, Central China Normal University, Wuhan, China

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YAO Quan & ZHENG Xianwu

【Abstract】With the rise of China, the United States, as a major power outside the region, attaches more importance to the strategic position and value of the Mekong Region, and regards it as a frontier position and key region to counterbalance China. Based on the historical process of the evolution of the relationship between the United States and the Mekong River region, this paper analyzes the U.S. Mekong strategy reshaping and the enormous pressure and challenges it poses to the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation mechanism. On the water resource issue, the continuous escalation has caused the water resources issue politicization and securitization. On the connectivity issue, the United States actively introduce private capital and formulate new rules for infrastructure construction to positively challenge China’s traditional advantageous fields. On the value issue, the strategic layout of the United States is far-reaching, actively cultivating pro-American young leaders and investing in the next generation of Mekong leaders. On promoting the issue diffusion, it has actively introduced actors from outside the region to participate in Mekong River affairs and promoted the internationalization of Mekong River issues through multiple channels. By “de-securitization” of water resources issues，building a world brand in connectivity, promoting multi-dimensional and high-quality soft power, enhancing the competitiveness and tolerance of the LMC mechanism and other countermeasures, China can solidly promote the construction of “the Community of Shared Future among Lancang-Mekong Countries” to break the strategic containment and checks and balances of the United States.

【Keywords】Lower Mekong Initiative; Mekong-U.S. Partnership; Lancang-Mekong Cooperation; Sino-U.S. Relations; Water Resources; Connectivity

【Authors】YAO Quan, Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of International Relations, Nanjing University, Nanjing, China; ZHENG Xianwu, Professor, Institute of International Relations, Nanjing University, Nanjing, China

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LUO Shengrong & ZHANG Te & ZHANG Xin

【Abstract】The security pattern refers to a relatively stable security interaction mode formed by the main powers within a certain geographic area based on the comparison of military forces. Southeast Asia, as a region where major powers gather and is adjacent to China, its security pattern has a profound impact on the choices of China’s national security strategy. Since the end of World War II, the security pattern in Southeast Asia has evolved from a bipolar model between the US and the Soviet Union to an unipolar model and the current Sino-US “quasi-bipolar” model. At the same time, ASEAN and geo-economic game has also become new force shaping the security pattern of Southeast Asia. In the face of competition and suppression from the US, China should base itself on the characteristics of the evolution of Southeast Asia’s security landscape and the current strategic situation, and then play an active leader and constructive participant in the security landscape in Southeast Asia by strengthening the ability to transform its comprehensive strength into leading peripheral security, improving the regional security coordination mechanism of major powers, keeping pursuing an open and inclusive regionalism, supporting the role of ASEAN as a center, and improving the institutionalization of security cooperation with ASEAN.

【Keywords】Southeast Asia； Security Pattern; National Security Strategy; Indo-Pacific Strategy; Peripheral Diplomacy

【Authors】LUO Shengrong, Research Fellow, Belt and Road Research Institute, Yunnan University, Kunming, China; ZHANG Te, Master Degree Candidate, Institute of International Relations, Yunnan University, Kunming, China; ZHANG Xin, Master Degree Candidate, Institute of International Relations, Yunnan University, Kunming, China

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YI Yuan & SUN Zhiqiang

【Abstract】There has been significant difference in the policies towards ethnic Chinese in contemporary Southeast Asian countries. Behind this phenomenon lies the structural cause from modern colonial heritage, in which governance autonomy and ethnic structure are the key variables that lead to the policy difference. Specifically, governance autonomy determines whether Southeast Asian countries can avoid the dominance of colonial regimes over immigration affairs, so as to autonomously coordinate and adapt to the immigration of Chinese; ethnic structure determines the material basis and competitive leverage for ethnic groups in political participation. As typical cases of Southeast Asian countries, Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia can be categorized as the models of “autonomous governance + single ethnic dominance”, “dependent governance+single ethnic dominance” and “dependent governance+multi-ethnic competition”. Accordingly, their policies towards ethnic Chinese are shaped into “moderate assimilation”, “rigorous assimilation+discrimination” and “moderate assimilation+discrimination”. At present, the policies towards ethnic Chinese and ethnic relations of Southeast Asian countries have created both opportunities and challenges for the cooperation of BRI. It is of great importance for China to accurately understand the role of ethnic Chinese in the local relations between state and society, in order to optimize the cooperation plans and enhance the cooperation effectiveness.

【Keywords】Southeast Asian Countries; Policies towards Ethnic Chinese; Governance Autonomy; Ethnic Structure; Nation-State Building

【Authors】YI Yuan, Associate Professor, School of International Relations, Xiamen University, Xiamen, China; SUN Zhiqiang, Master Degree Candidate, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University, Shanghai China