祖墳之爭(zhēng)：清水江下游地區(qū)的居住正統(tǒng)性與地方秩序建構(gòu)

摘 要：一起爭(zhēng)奪祖墳的案件引發(fā)我們對(duì)清水江下游地區(qū)復(fù)雜人群關(guān)系的探究。明清時(shí)期的清水江下游地區(qū)，圍繞著木材的種植與經(jīng)營活動(dòng)，世居鄉(xiāng)民與外來移民在這一區(qū)域內(nèi)不同村寨內(nèi)展開了一場(chǎng)合作與爭(zhēng)競(jìng)并存的長期互動(dòng)過程，形成了此區(qū)域內(nèi)不同人群交往活動(dòng)的極具地方特色的歷史表達(dá)。對(duì)于“起源優(yōu)先”原則的強(qiáng)調(diào)正是對(duì)于“居住正統(tǒng)性”的訴求，也體現(xiàn)了這一區(qū)域社會(huì)內(nèi)的地方秩序的具體樣態(tài)。

關(guān)鍵詞：清水江；墳山；起源優(yōu)先；居住正統(tǒng)性；地方秩序

中圖分類號(hào)：C95 文獻(xiàn)標(biāo)識(shí)碼：A 文章編號(hào)：1674-621X（2024）01-0144-152

一、問題的提出

20世紀(jì)80年代末期的一個(gè)清明節(jié)，10多個(gè)人拿著鐵鍬、木棍、錘子等工具在貴州省黔東南錦屏縣境內(nèi)一個(gè)名為JC的村子里聚集，他們站在苗語喚為“GLD”的一塊墓地上，將一座業(yè)已存在的古墓碑一點(diǎn)一點(diǎn)砸掉，碎掉的石頭散落一地。旋即幾個(gè)人踉踉蹌蹌，費(fèi)力地將一組新碑在古碑的旁邊立好。見碑重新立好，幾個(gè)人覺得大功告成，稍事休息了一下，他們其中的一個(gè)人在碑前燒了香紙，點(diǎn)上燭火，擺好祭品，幾個(gè)人屈膝跪地，三跪九叩，嘴里還絮絮叨叨了一番。這伙人祭拜完畢之后，站在新碑前，滿意地點(diǎn)點(diǎn)頭，商量著回屋了。很快，另一伙人發(fā)現(xiàn)了墓碑被破壞，他們圍在新碑前，觀察了幾分鐘，看見了新碑左右兩側(cè)刻了一副對(duì)子：“正脈真血統(tǒng)永遠(yuǎn)發(fā)達(dá)，冒祖奪宗者滅族亡家”，讀完這對(duì)聯(lián)，他們火冒三丈，于是兩伙人起了沖突，互相罵了起來一會(huì)兒的工夫，基本上全村的人都來到“GLD”，有的圍觀，有的直接加入了這場(chǎng)沖突。

在黔東南崇山峻嶺之中的這個(gè)村寨，發(fā)生了這樣一起“爭(zhēng)奪祖先”的事件，如何看待這樣一個(gè)事件便引發(fā)了我們對(duì)于清水江流域開發(fā)歷史的追溯，是哪些人最先來到這個(gè)地方“開寨”居住，誰擁有對(duì)這片土地的正統(tǒng)居住權(quán)，對(duì)居住正統(tǒng)性的強(qiáng)調(diào)和村寨社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)之間的關(guān)系到底如何，這樣的關(guān)系形成了怎樣的一種人群關(guān)系？帶著這些問題，筆者將嘗試在清水江下游地區(qū)區(qū)域社會(huì)形成的歷史過程中，探討村寨內(nèi)“居住正統(tǒng)性”與村落人群關(guān)系的復(fù)雜關(guān)系。明清以來，在清水江下游區(qū)域漸次開發(fā)的歷史進(jìn)程中，不同人群在這一特定區(qū)域空間內(nèi)發(fā)生了一系列的交集，在經(jīng)過長時(shí)段的文化接觸之后，這一區(qū)域呈現(xiàn)出怎樣的整合性特點(diǎn)，是本文極為關(guān)心的問題。

本文首先澄清一下接下來要使用的概念：“居住權(quán)”與“入住權(quán)”。這兩個(gè)概念雖然只有一字之差，但使用范疇差別甚大。“居住權(quán)”這一概念的提出首先源自離婚案件中婦女沒有住房的現(xiàn)實(shí)問題，涉及公有房屋承租權(quán)爭(zhēng)議的一系列民事案件，2002年以來國內(nèi)學(xué)者多在物權(quán)法范疇內(nèi)討論居住權(quán)。而本文將探討的是“入住權(quán)”，這一概念是科大衛(wèi)首先提出來的，他認(rèn)為“入住權(quán)”包括建房子的權(quán)力，也包括開發(fā)鄉(xiāng)村荒地的權(quán)利，是村民最重要的權(quán)利，本文的討論基本沿用了科大衛(wèi)對(duì)于入住權(quán)的定義。

二、歷史與當(dāng)下：JC寨房族概況

祖墳之爭(zhēng)發(fā)生在JC寨“燈盞形”和“飛虎形”兩個(gè)房族之間。為了更加流暢地?cái)⑹鰞蓚€(gè)房族為什么要爭(zhēng)奪祖墳，本文擬先將JC寨現(xiàn)有的房族情況交代清楚。

根據(jù)2014年JC村村民兩委的統(tǒng)計(jì)資料，JC寨目前有186戶，人口900多。村寨內(nèi)主要分為五個(gè)房族，其中“三大房”是大家普遍認(rèn)可的，另外兩個(gè)房族人口總數(shù)較少，占全村人口比重不大，村民們習(xí)慣上并不稱這兩家為“房族”，但是為了敘述上清晰明白，筆者還是將他們列入房族的范圍。目前JC寨的這五個(gè)房族，按照規(guī)模的大小依次如下：1.燈盞形，2.飛虎形，3.蝙蝠形，4.JSB家，5.JMY家。村寨內(nèi)不同人對(duì)于幾個(gè)房族來到JC寨的先后順序有不同意見，但是一致認(rèn)同JMY家和JSB家來JC比其他房族的人來得要早。現(xiàn)將幾個(gè)房族的情況分別詳細(xì)介紹一下。

（一）JMY家

“JMY家”雖然現(xiàn)在只剩下兩戶人家了，JMY和JMR，但其祖先最先到JC居住的事實(shí)基本上得到了所有的JC村民的認(rèn)可。JMY是一名地理先生，村寨中哪家要請(qǐng)酒、建房子，需要“看日子”，大多數(shù)都會(huì)請(qǐng)JMY來做。

JMY家是最先來JC居住的，但為什么他家現(xiàn)在卻遭遇到現(xiàn)在人煙稀少的境地呢？傳說他家原來人口眾多，但是家人卻吃不進(jìn)東西，沒有力氣，于是請(qǐng)來有名氣的靈驗(yàn)師傅來看，地理先生說他們祖墳的位置不好，需要重新安葬老祖，這樣房族就會(huì)重新發(fā)達(dá)。于是JMY家的人就集中起來商議遷墳之事。打開木棺之后，見有一個(gè)葛根正好穿進(jìn)了棺槨內(nèi)老人家的喉嚨。這一點(diǎn)正應(yīng)了人們都吃不進(jìn)東西這一現(xiàn)象，于是整個(gè)房族的人對(duì)地理先生的判斷和解法深信不疑。將祖墳重新安置好之后，JMY家的人果然胃口都特別好了，每天有12架舂兌同時(shí)舂米還不夠吃，人口也發(fā)得越來越快，但是人們只吃飯不干活，很快家里就被吃窮了，也就敗落了下去。

（二）JSB家

“JSB家”在JC村房族中是比較“神秘”的一支，村寨中的耄耋老人也說不清他家的來歷。JC村中每個(gè)房族都有不同于別的房族的字輩，只要說出你的名字，大家自然會(huì)清楚你是哪一房的，然而這個(gè)通則在“JSB家”這一支中卻不適用了。這一支的來源非常復(fù)雜，而且村寨中的人們對(duì)他家的情況都諱莫如深，閉口不談。其中到底是什么緣由呢？接下來的故事會(huì)給我們呈現(xiàn)出一段曲折的事實(shí)。

聽村寨中的老者介紹，JSB家以前確系JC村人，后來在他們的太公輩因自私拒絕村寨集體取所屬燕子山之石架橋，后又成為“火殃頭”，燒毀寨子中房屋數(shù)間，于是JC村居民將其家驅(qū)逐出去，他們就搬到了天柱居住，數(shù)十載之后，又惹了人命官司，已經(jīng)無法生存下去了。此時(shí)，時(shí)任團(tuán)長的飛虎形老人家JMA將其家人救回，允許他們?cè)贘C居住下來，同時(shí)也在JMA家?guī)凸ぃ缯Z稱為“a11 ga33 dou11”。在字輩方面，由于JSB的公已經(jīng)在JMA家住下，出于多方面的考慮，他便給他的孩子命名“錫”字輩，也就隨了飛虎形的字輩順序。“錫”字輩之后，下一輩的人便是JSB他們了，但“S”字輩是燈盞形房族的字輩，其中的緣由又是什么呢？這就與“爭(zhēng)奪養(yǎng)蠻公”有密切關(guān)系了。20世紀(jì)80年代末期，燈盞形和飛虎形兩房為爭(zhēng)祖墳而斗得不可開交，雙方都用盡自己的辦法想多拉攏一些人，于是燈盞形房族的人就派說客到了JSB父親那里，說你們也沒有家譜，早已不知道自己從哪里來，干脆就粘著我們好了，以后有什么事情了我們就是一個(gè)房族。于是JSB的父親就背叛了對(duì)他們家有過救命之恩和再造之恩的飛虎形JMA房族，投入了燈盞形的懷抱，與飛虎形逐漸疏遠(yuǎn)，甚至有些許對(duì)抗色彩，幫助其爭(zhēng)奪養(yǎng)蠻的墓碑。

還有的村民說，在更古老的時(shí)候，JSB、JSZ他們的老祖是粘JMY他們家的，以前很多大事，比如喜事、喪事都是他們兩家一起辦的，但是自從他們家被趕出JC寨搬往天柱之后，兩家也就不再是一個(gè)房族了。等到夢(mèng)鰲救下他們家最后的3個(gè)活口之后，他們?yōu)榱烁卸鳎簿驼沉孙w虎形。到了改革開放之后，燈盞形房族有人當(dāng)村干，有人在縣政府任職，勢(shì)力比較大，于是在爭(zhēng)祖墳這個(gè)事件中，他們就背叛了飛虎形，轉(zhuǎn)而投入了燈盞形的懷抱。“S”字輩之后的下一代的字輩是“基”字輩，他們和真正燈盞形的“基”字輩也并不親近，由于和之前的飛虎形已經(jīng)鬧翻，關(guān)系一度比較僵，燈盞形房族的人多勢(shì)眾，“爭(zhēng)奪YM公”之事也早已平息，不再需要他們的支持了。所以現(xiàn)在村子上的大事小情他們轉(zhuǎn)而又去粘JMY家，過年過節(jié)也是和JMY家走得比較親近了。

（三）燈盞形

“燈盞形”房族名稱的由來是因其墳山被地理先生稱為“燈盞形”，墳地三面靠山，前方開闊，很像養(yǎng)豬的地方，也是取母豬能生崽之象征，希望本房人口發(fā)達(dá)，子孫繁衍，家族興旺。“燈盞形”現(xiàn)在是JC村戶數(shù)最多的，大致的估計(jì)是100來戶，占到村落總?cè)丝诘?0%以上。燈盞形內(nèi)部還有小的房族，人們一般都使用在世的人的名字作為代表，如燈盞形的分支之一為JSM家，另外一支被人們稱為“四合院”，或者“大瓦屋那家”。“四合院”“大瓦屋”是JC村比較出名的地標(biāo)性建筑，建造者為清末光緒年間的JER，清水江流域木材市場(chǎng)中有名的實(shí)力山客之一。

在土改中，由于四合院一支是九兄弟分家，較為衰落，被劃分為中農(nóng)，現(xiàn)在也并沒有哪一家的實(shí)力較為突出。但九兄弟中的老八曾經(jīng)擔(dān)任村干部，在村子中還有一定的威望。

清末民國初年，燈盞形房族的人曾經(jīng)修過一次譜，譜上較為清晰地記載了燈盞形這一支是如何搬遷到JC寨居住的。族譜記載明朝年間，祖上因“平蠻”軍功被授予指揮之職，“移鎮(zhèn)駐潭溪司”，居住在姜家屯，后不知緣何又移居婆洞（今錦屏縣啟蒙鎮(zhèn)），因“材能文學(xué)尤長”，被聘為“義學(xué)之師”，并擔(dān)任起了“教化苗民”之職，與當(dāng)?shù)鼐用裣嗵幦谇ⅲP(guān)系甚好，于是全家就搬到了巨寨居住，家譜中特意稱之為“苗巨寨”，意為此地當(dāng)時(shí)主要的居住者為苗人。數(shù)代之后，此地爆發(fā)了“苗亂”，中林司樓羅村苗民蒙氏“恃眾為亂”，對(duì)“黎平府”所轄之地進(jìn)行“燒殺”，為了逃命，姜大興“遷徙流離，逃走至清水江彼岸”一個(gè)叫“羊污”的地方，此處“陡坡陡嶺”，“松杉滋植”，所見田畝荒蕪，道路交通也閉塞，商旅水陸都不能通達(dá)。當(dāng)?shù)赜猩倭棵缑裆睿麄儭帮L(fēng)俗專尚野蠻”，勢(shì)力稍弱之人便“改名換姓，與有勢(shì)要者為宗族”。在這個(gè)過程中，顯然血緣不再是同屬一個(gè)宗族的必要條件，此時(shí)聯(lián)宗已然成為宗族構(gòu)成的一種重要途徑。至天順八年時(shí)候，相“陰陽墳基”，搬遷至現(xiàn)在村寨所在的半坡，“立宅第而居”。

（四）飛虎形

“飛虎形”是僅次于燈盞形的JC村第二大房族，飛虎形名稱來自老祖葬的那塊地的地理風(fēng)水意義。老祖葬的地方四周都有巖石，中間是一大片平地四周圍得特別好，像個(gè)盆子。飛虎形房族的人口大約為200人，戶數(shù)在40-60戶之間，這些人家對(duì)于飛虎形的認(rèn)同度較高，每逢重大節(jié)日，人們之間互相邀約過節(jié)，喜事喪事也都互幫互助，走得比較近。每年的清明節(jié)尤其可以體現(xiàn)其房族的力量，飛虎形的祖墳比較集中，要渡河再爬上一個(gè)陡坡（北緯26°34′55″，東經(jīng)108°56′47″），所以每年清明節(jié)所有的人都是一起去掛清，沒有哪一家是單獨(dú)去的。

（五）蝙蝠形

蝙蝠形這一支在JC村被認(rèn)為非常有經(jīng)濟(jì)頭腦，村寨中的第一匹馬就是蝙蝠形的人最先買進(jìn)村寨中的。直到現(xiàn)在，馬匹仍然是JC村重要的生產(chǎn)力工具，農(nóng)忙時(shí)挑谷子，建房子時(shí)挑磚挑水泥，砍木頭之后搬運(yùn)，全部都是靠馬馱。蝙蝠形的規(guī)模不大，大概有15戶。

JC村內(nèi)除了姜姓之外，還有楊、唐、馬三個(gè)小姓，楊家原來有4戶，現(xiàn)在基本上都已經(jīng)遷出去了，唐姓只有一家，馬姓只有2戶。姜姓在村寨中所占的人口比例已經(jīng)高達(dá)97%，所以村寨中權(quán)力的歸屬基本上是在姜姓的幾個(gè)房族之間流轉(zhuǎn)，從未輪到其他小姓的人掌握話語權(quán)。

三、聚落形態(tài)與人群關(guān)系：空間的視角

空間是社會(huì)文化現(xiàn)象不可或缺的基本要素，文化是基于空間這一物質(zhì)性地理形勢(shì)來建構(gòu)“社會(huì)”的。傳統(tǒng)的聚落社會(huì)是由人和人們可支配的其他物質(zhì)性生產(chǎn)資料和生活資料構(gòu)成，在這個(gè)聚落內(nèi)人們根據(jù)一定的秩序（order）組織起來，安排所有的與人的生產(chǎn)和其他物質(zhì)性生產(chǎn)相關(guān)的活動(dòng)及日常生活。具體到JC苗寨而言，聚落大致包括生活在其中的分屬于不同房族的個(gè)體與周圍的田土山場(chǎng)。村民們每天的生活和勞作都在家屋或者村落這樣一個(gè)或小或大的空間內(nèi)，空間在一定程度上限制了聚落成員的活動(dòng)范圍，但同時(shí)，被限制了的空間具有的某種阻隔性在一定程度上區(qū)隔了“內(nèi)/外”這樣一組二元對(duì)立，形成了“無形的分界”。

同時(shí)，布置空間等于布置“人群關(guān)系”，家屋與家屋之間的相對(duì)位置也能夠清晰地向聚落內(nèi)的人群展示居住于內(nèi)的不同人之間的關(guān)系。聚落內(nèi)除了給予活著的人一定的空間配置，對(duì)于死去的人也按照一定的原則安排另一個(gè)世界的空間秩序。世俗世界的空間布局與亡靈世界的空間布局形成兩個(gè)空間體系，共同支配和影響著聚落內(nèi)人們的心靈秩序和生活秩序。

（一）家戶的分布與房族的分布

據(jù)2014年JC村村民委員會(huì)的統(tǒng)計(jì)資料，目前全村有186戶，900多人，除了占97%以上的姜姓外，還有楊、馬、唐三個(gè)小姓。由于村寨建在半山腰，起房子又要看風(fēng)水和地勢(shì)，所以家戶的分布情況比較復(fù)雜，但呈現(xiàn)的基本樣態(tài)是同一房族聚居，親兄弟之間更是多為比鄰相居。

JC寨內(nèi)現(xiàn)有比較集中的居住區(qū)約為10個(gè)，分別是：嘎里、嘎略、黨他、中羊、嘎炯釀、嘎炯?xì)W、嘎炯進(jìn)、培固、嘎昂、烏九聊，現(xiàn)將其家戶與其所屬房族關(guān)系列表如下。

JC寨以停車坪為中心，位于寨中心以北的幾個(gè)家戶聚集區(qū)分別為嘎里、嘎炯釀、嘎略和黨他、中羊；位于寨中心南面的是培固、嘎炯?xì)W、嘎炯進(jìn)；還有一個(gè)位于寨中心西面，分別是嘎昂、烏九聊。按照中心與邊緣的空間分布格局，燈盞形一房占據(jù)了村寨中多數(shù)的靠近中心的居住空間，并有少數(shù)分散在遠(yuǎn)離中心的位置上，這可能是因?yàn)槿丝诎l(fā)展之后原有的位置已經(jīng)不夠安排后代繼續(xù)居住，所以就遷往較為開闊的邊緣地帶。而飛虎形的分布更為集中，集中位于寨中心以西，更靠近江邊的地方。JMY家、JSB家兩個(gè)小房族居住也比較接近，蝙蝠形的家戶分布也相對(duì)集中。

（二）房族的分布與墳山的分布

村寨中死去的老人家一般都葬于墳山之上，由于這個(gè)寨子自明清有記載開始，經(jīng)歷了幾百年的發(fā)展，村寨中的墳山較多，據(jù)村民介紹大概有16塊，其中通過地理先生的說法而命名的有8個(gè)，剩下的幾個(gè)就按“房族中當(dāng)家男性的名字+家”的規(guī)則命名。為了進(jìn)一步探討JC寨的祖墳分布與房族關(guān)系，筆者將墳山的名稱與房族的對(duì)應(yīng)關(guān)系開列如下：

在這16座墳山之中，燈盞形占了9個(gè)，可見其人口之多。另外我們還要考慮到的一個(gè)問題就是，并不是所有死去的人都會(huì)立碑樹傳，村民中也有人說JMY家以前的墳多分布在小路兩邊，以前老人家去世不流行立碑，人死之后的處理方式即是在路邊將其埋葬，所以現(xiàn)在JMY家也沒有多少墓，但并不代表以前他家的人口數(shù)量少。

（三）祖蔭下：祖先的“居住”位置和格局與后代的福禍關(guān)系

祖先崇拜是存在于中國社會(huì)中的普遍信仰，華如璧（Rubie Waston）對(duì)于華南宗族的研究中著重指出，在中國，對(duì)于崇拜祖先的人群來說，對(duì)死者的安置是與風(fēng)水觀念相聯(lián)系的。死者的尸體不僅被認(rèn)為是力量與復(fù)興的源泉，更認(rèn)為擁有源于自然自身的力量。清水江下游地區(qū)的居民篤信風(fēng)水，他們相信祖宗的“在天之靈”可以“佑滿房文武崛起，扶全族富貴繁昌”。這樣的一種信仰和意識(shí)，實(shí)際上構(gòu)建了一種勾連，連接了現(xiàn)世的人與遙遠(yuǎn)的祖先，同時(shí)也是“起源優(yōu)先”原則的一種實(shí)踐手段。祖先們的“先來后到”自然成為當(dāng)下社會(huì)中不同人群的話語權(quán)和正當(dāng)性的延續(xù)。

黔東南地區(qū)的人們篤信風(fēng)水，在他們的觀念世界里，祖先的“居住”位置和格局與后代的福禍密切相關(guān)。在清水江下游地區(qū)，廣泛流傳著家族隨祖墳風(fēng)水好壞而興衰的故事，人們總是傾向于將個(gè)人的成敗與房族的興衰聯(lián)系到一起，使之具有因果聯(lián)系。

圖中橢圓形區(qū)域?yàn)榇逭侨藗兙劬拥目臻g聚落，圖中1-10對(duì)應(yīng)表一中的小地名，并在圖表中標(biāo)識(shí)出了在此對(duì)應(yīng)空間中居住的家戶所屬的房族，子母A-P為JC寨周邊墳山，表二中也已經(jīng)標(biāo)出墳山與家族的對(duì)應(yīng)關(guān)系。從圖中我們可以清晰地看出同一房族家屋的分布與其祖墳的分布存在著某種程度上的聯(lián)系，尤其是JSB家族的房屋（4）分布與其一處墳山（L）基本上位于同一個(gè)方向。位于H處的飛虎形墳山是飛虎形家族先人們的集中安葬地，據(jù)飛虎形房族的人介紹，這塊墳山非常平，四周都是山，像一個(gè)底部平平的盆子，故命名為“金盆形”，后來叫著叫著就被這里的土話喊成了“飛虎形”。“飛虎形”像一個(gè)聚寶盆一樣，將周圍的天地靈氣都匯聚在此地祖先們的居所內(nèi)，以佑后人。“飛虎形”墳山內(nèi)的墓碑形狀大致都為“山”字形，樣式美觀。莊嚴(yán)，這也是和其名字相匹配的。對(duì)比之下，燈盞形C處，因其傳說和地理先生的說法都與家畜的繁殖能力息息相關(guān)，家畜的肚子是軟的，而“山”字形墓碑頂部是尖的，這樣容易扎壞家畜的肚子，所以燈盞形墳山內(nèi)所有的墓碑頂部都是平的。由此可見，人們根據(jù)墳山的空間分布和風(fēng)水說法，將空間的意象擬人化，使其具有一定的象征意義，并根據(jù)這樣的象征意義安排了一套原則性話語來支配人們的實(shí)踐活動(dòng)，將人與空間這一物質(zhì)性地理范圍構(gòu)建相關(guān)性并恰當(dāng)?shù)厝跒橐惑w，形成一套當(dāng)?shù)氐牡胤叫晕幕瑯?gòu)成這個(gè)聚落社會(huì)的一個(gè)重要組成部分。

四、“來得早不如發(fā)得好”：清水江下游地區(qū)的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)過程

將貴州東部高地與湘西的丘陵地帶聯(lián)結(jié)起來使之成為具有某種獨(dú)特關(guān)聯(lián)的整體性區(qū)域的正是清水江這一條獨(dú)具特色的河流。明清時(shí)期，隨著王朝政府對(duì)西南邊疆地區(qū)，尤其是云南省的關(guān)注與經(jīng)營，清水江流域才逐漸經(jīng)由王朝政府“開辟新疆”的種種舉措而被納入其直接控制之下。在此過程中，尤為重要的是清水江中下游地區(qū)區(qū)域性市場(chǎng)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的形成，以卦治、王寨、茅坪三寨為中心的木材市場(chǎng)在王朝國家、地方政府及地方社會(huì)的共同組織和介入下逐漸形成。在這個(gè)復(fù)雜而漫長的過程中，沿江兩岸的當(dāng)?shù)鼐用褚仓饾u參與到這個(gè)市場(chǎng)體系中來，種粟栽杉、伐木下河、扎排放排、開盤當(dāng)江成為這一區(qū)域內(nèi)人們重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)。這一具有某種商業(yè)化色彩的發(fā)展過程對(duì)地方社會(huì)產(chǎn)生了重要而深遠(yuǎn)的影響。

本文所關(guān)注的區(qū)域位于卦治、茅坪、王寨這三寨組成的木材集散地的上游地區(qū)，明清時(shí)期，當(dāng)?shù)鼐用穸鄰氖峦谏戒z坡、種粟栽杉、買賣青山之類的經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)，在所參與經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)的過程中，外來移民、世居鄉(xiāng)民在清水江下游區(qū)域性木材市場(chǎng)這一特定空間內(nèi)演繹出了許多精彩的故事，這些故事雖然都發(fā)生在綠林山野中，但在某種程度上向我們展示了清水江下游地區(qū)地方社會(huì)秩序的結(jié)構(gòu)過程。

接下來故事的發(fā)生地是清水江沿江兩岸的幾個(gè)小村寨，它們分別是文斗河邊、文斗、中仰、黨秧、JC、岑梧。據(jù)文斗河邊的村民們回憶，他們“大多數(shù)是靠給文斗上寨的大戶人家種山或打魚為生的窮苦人，都沒有什么山林田土，現(xiàn)在所有的山林田土都是土改時(shí)政府從文斗上寨硬劃過來的”。這里所說的文斗上寨，即是在康熙中期在村中鳳臺(tái)公帶領(lǐng)下，與平敖、瑤光、韶靄等村寨共同“輸糧入籍”的村寨之一。類似的記憶也被黨秧村的老人家回憶并訴說著：“我們以前的老人家是在清朝中期從湖南、天柱等地逃難到這個(gè)地方來的，主要是給JC村種山栽杉，才慢慢在這里落腳的”，同時(shí)，他們口中所說的JC就是黨秧的鄰寨，相去不遠(yuǎn)。JC村的老人家的說法也印證了“逃難至此，靠種山栽杉落腳”的說法。一位深諳村寨歷史的老人回憶說：原來從黨秧過來到烏什一帶，經(jīng)常有老虎出沒，那一帶雖然是我們JC的地盤，但是由于距離較遠(yuǎn)，不便去栽樹和管理，老輩人不愿意看著那些山荒著，于是就送或者佃給外地人栽種。那些人在那里住久了，人口慢慢發(fā)展，也就結(jié)成了村寨，就是現(xiàn)在的黨秧寨和烏什寨。他們所佃種的山場(chǎng)慢慢也就變成了他們的祖業(yè)了。黨秧人被JC、文斗等老寨的人看不起，不準(zhǔn)他們進(jìn)寨居住，只能在所佃種山場(chǎng)上搭棚住，更不愿同他們結(jié)親。岑梧村是離著清水江較遠(yuǎn)的一個(gè)村寨，這個(gè)村寨的人自稱為“三偢”，他們至少會(huì)說三種話，在講述自己如何來到這里定居時(shí)，他們的說法也亦如之前的兩個(gè)故事：“清朝初期從湖南逃難過來的，當(dāng)初到來時(shí)，連一塊打麻雀的泥土都沒有。先是在扒洞給姜姓人當(dāng)?shù)钁舴N山，同寨早、扒洞、平敖買山場(chǎng)田土。”康熙初年，湖南、江西等地的貧窮漢族大量移居至清水江下游地區(qū)，被世居在這里的苗人侗人稱為‘來人’，由于被迫遷徙到這里求生，這些‘來人’沒有土地山場(chǎng)等生產(chǎn)資料，只能給此地的苗人侗人佃種山場(chǎng)以維持生計(jì)。或許“林糧間作”的獨(dú)特經(jīng)營模式正是這些“來人”解決食物來源問題而發(fā)明的生存性策略。

如上所述，文斗河邊與黨秧這兩個(gè)村寨的故事可以生動(dòng)地展現(xiàn)所謂“來人”與“世居鄉(xiāng)民”之間的交往與博弈，那么中仰與文斗之間的一則“清白投貼”則更能闡明村寨與村寨這種差異。

立清白投貼字人龍梅所、陸富宇二姓，為因往外無地方安生，立意投到文斗寨界內(nèi)地名中仰住居。蒙眾頭公姜祥元、姜現(xiàn)宇、隆宇、姜科明等把我二姓安身，大家相為鄰寨兄。自投坐之后，無論前后左右寸土，各系文斗地界，我陸、龍二姓不過借以安居，莫生歹心。如肯出力勤儉挖掘者，得吃上層之皮土。倘蒙霸占之心，天神鑒察。假使文斗眾等不許挖種者，亦天神鑒察。所有管不到之處，任憑中仰打草打柴過活，挖種取租等情。如兄如弟，大家不使以強(qiáng)欺弱。恐日久人心不古，立此清白投字為照。

代筆" " 中" " 陳艾宇

康熙四十三年正月拾伍日" " 立

清水江文書中“清白字”多為強(qiáng)調(diào)說明性質(zhì)的文書，而這則立于康熙四十三年的“清白投貼”的一個(gè)“投”字，說明了這兩個(gè)寨子此時(shí)的一種類似“主－仆”關(guān)系的約定。“得吃上層之皮土”則暗示了在中仰居住的“來人”只可在此地暫居，擁有暫時(shí)性的山場(chǎng)使用權(quán)和收益權(quán)，并沒有所有權(quán)，倘若起了“霸占之心”或者“文斗眾等不許挖種”，那么“天神鑒察”，這些“來人”就不可以繼續(xù)在這塊地皮上繼續(xù)“挖山栽杉，刨土取食”了。

雖然世居于此地的鄉(xiāng)民相比“來人”而言，在清水江下游區(qū)域內(nèi)擁有一種“先到者”的天然優(yōu)勢(shì)，但是從湖南、江西、天柱等地遷來的“來人”，他們大多來自漢人居住區(qū)，熟悉漢人的社會(huì)運(yùn)行邏輯，同時(shí)，隨著清水江木材貿(mào)易的日漸繁盛，這些“來人”越來越多地參與到木材貿(mào)易的生產(chǎn)經(jīng)營活動(dòng)中。財(cái)富的日漸累積和人口的繁衍是一個(gè)量變的過程，等到量變達(dá)到一定程度，必然會(huì)引起質(zhì)變，這些“來人”會(huì)爭(zhēng)取參與到當(dāng)?shù)氐胤绞聞?wù)中更多的話語權(quán)和決策權(quán)。“來得早不如發(fā)得好”這句在當(dāng)?shù)亓鱾魃鯊V的話更能說明在這片土地上，世居民與“來人”在漫長的歷史發(fā)展進(jìn)程中錯(cuò)綜復(fù)雜、不斷糾葛的情態(tài)，展現(xiàn)出“來人”在更具有歷史根基的世居鄉(xiāng)民面前“后來者居上”的發(fā)展勢(shì)頭。而這一切情勢(shì)的逆轉(zhuǎn)或許與以杉木的種植與采運(yùn)為主要經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)的區(qū)域性市場(chǎng)網(wǎng)絡(luò)密切相關(guān)，正是這樣一種市場(chǎng)體系下對(duì)于人力、智力的需求，才導(dǎo)致了這些“來人”來此地謀生、發(fā)展，才產(chǎn)生了流傳于清水江沿江兩岸坊間的各種傳說和趣事。

五、討論：村落內(nèi)的地方秩序——心靈秩序與生活秩序

誠然，正如我們所看到的在清水江下游地區(qū)散落在崇山峻嶺之間不同村寨發(fā)生的有趣故事，各種不同人群的歷史雖然距離現(xiàn)今已經(jīng)有幾百年了，但是我們并不能矢口否認(rèn)久遠(yuǎn)的歷史對(duì)于當(dāng)下社會(huì)的影響。JC村在20世紀(jì)90年代發(fā)生的這起爭(zhēng)奪祖墳的故事及其關(guān)于養(yǎng)蠻祖先的傳說正真切地向我們展示了歷史與當(dāng)下的糾葛。在清水江下游地區(qū)這樣一片較晚納入國家版圖的區(qū)域來說，人口與所占有的資源在某一時(shí)間段內(nèi)維持著一種穩(wěn)定的正比例關(guān)系。人口的發(fā)展在相當(dāng)一段時(shí)間內(nèi)成為當(dāng)?shù)睾芏嗳巳旱陌l(fā)展基礎(chǔ)。正如村寨中流傳的 “宅地風(fēng)水”與“繼嗣出生”的相關(guān)性故事一樣，人們對(duì)于一個(gè)家庭的可延續(xù)性是極為看重的，同理，在一個(gè)村寨的公共社會(huì)生活中，“世居鄉(xiāng)民”與“來人”的勢(shì)力也會(huì)有消有長，合作與競(jìng)爭(zhēng)并存始終也是一個(gè)村寨內(nèi)不同人群的生活狀態(tài)的真實(shí)寫照。

爭(zhēng)奪祖墳也正是一種對(duì)于世居正統(tǒng)性的爭(zhēng)奪，“起源優(yōu)先”的原則在清水江下游地區(qū)的村寨中一直被認(rèn)為是理所當(dāng)然的真理。“起源優(yōu)先”實(shí)際上觀照了個(gè)人的生命起源，家庭的世代傳承譜系，社會(huì)內(nèi)部的秩序構(gòu)成，集中體現(xiàn)了族群的歷史源流。起源觀念將村寨內(nèi)人群的過去和現(xiàn)在聯(lián)結(jié)起來，對(duì)于起源的追溯和話語則樹立了現(xiàn)在村寨內(nèi)社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)的秩序。祖先的先后次序決定了祖蔭下人們的心靈秩序，而心靈秩序又在一定程度上影響了村寨內(nèi)社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)，形成了當(dāng)下的生活秩序。

[責(zé)任編輯：王健]

We Can Read Genealogy Like This" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " QIAN Hang（ 1 ）

Abstract： Through the study of the most \"boring and tedious\" of \"personnel information such as the life and death of individuals\" of the W Clan’genealogies in New Territories， Hong Kong， Masahisa Segawa（瀨川昌久）has raised some \"fundamental questions\" that are close to the level of the program of genealogy： \"What meaning do people find in recording the contents of their genealogies？ \"What meaning do people find in recording the contents of their genealogies？ What is the value of the information that constitutes the content that is consistently recorded on？ How do people discover clan from genealogy？\" He \"hopes to elucidate the non-obvious consciousness of the subject of genealogical compilation and the people with whom it is recorded about the passage of time and continuity beyond time by explaining what kind of document genealogy is and what people's purpose is in recording genealogy.\" The Japanese anthropologist's sense of problem and research method is an important practice of seeing the reality of the clan from the genealogy and returning genealogical research to the genealogy itself， which deserves great attention from Chinese genealogy readers and researchers.

Key words： Genealogy; Continuity; Clan

Consolidating the Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation and the Literary Narrative of Manchu Genealogy" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " QI Haiying， XU Naidan（ 22 ）

Abstract： Genealogy is not only a record of family history， but also a special carrier of national culture. The literary narrative content of the Manchu genealogy within the dominant historical narrative encompasses historical implications that are in tune with the sense of community for the Chinese nation.Through the documentary research method， the presence of Chinese national community consciousness in the literary narrative of Manchu genealogy is explored in terms of ethnic and national oneness， patriotic spirit， Chinese cultural identity and harmonious society， which has important research value and significance in the contemporary transformation and application of Manchu genealogical historical and cultural resources.

Key words： Manchu genealogy;Literary narrative; the sense of community for the Chinese nation

Symbiotic economy and cultural sharing： analysis of the two-dimensional development path of the integrated multi-ethnic communities of Pianma Port on China-Myanmar border

LI Zhihuan（ 32 ）

Abstract： Although the Pianma Port on the northwest Yunnan on China-Myanmar border is relatively remote and isolated， a new type of community environment and social structure featuring multi-ethnic integration has basically taken shape here thanks to the concerted efforts of local governments and people of all ethnic groups over half a century. Based on the increasingly integrated multi-ethnic communities， a symbiotic economic pattern emerges and thrives and a culture sharing model comes out as local people’s sense of identity evolves into spiritual resonance in the process of cultural exchange， and integration among various ethnic groups. And the combination of the two serves as an effective development path toward further social progress and ethnic unity in the Pianma Port area.

Key words： Border; Multi-ethnic; Integration; Symbiosis; Sharing

Modern Interpretation of \"Poetry Expresses Aspirations\"（詩言志） by Overseas Chinese Scholars from the Perspective of Cultural Identity" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " "ZENG Xutong （ 40 ）

Abstract： As a literary theory concept which originated in the pre-Qin period， \"Poetry Expresses Aspirations\" deeply reflects the historical evolution of Chinese culture， and also arouse extensive discussion in overseas sinology field. Among them， the overseas Chinese scholars reinterpreted \"Poetry Expresses Aspirations\" through various western theoretical methods， and revealed the harmonious aesthetic value of \"Poetry Expresses Aspirations\". Their interpretation is a search for the roots of the mother culture， a participation in the construction of the Chinese national community at the level of cultural identity. At the same time， through the dissemination of traditional Chinese culture in the Western world， the spirit of harmony and art embodied in poems and words makes up for the omission of self-referral to the knowledge of the non-self world in the thinking of Western culture， provides Chinese wisdom for the common value of human culture， and promotes the integration of the Chinese national community into the construction of the community of destiny of mankind.

Key words： Poetry Expresses Aspirations; Harmonious aesthetic feeling; Overseas Chinese scholars; Cultural identity; Consolidating the sense of community for the Chinese Nation

From Community Development， Social Development to Human Development——A Perspective of Development Anthropology" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " "ZHANG Xiaojun， XIAO Yonghong （ 51 ）

Abstract： The basic issues of development are listed through a brief overview of post-war development theories. From the post-war development practice， community development， social development and human development these three stages are introduced， which are reflecting the transition from early economic development under the vision of post-war recovery to the pursuit of comprehensive social development in view of modernization， and then to human development under the global issues. The issue of development has deeply impacted and plagued the whole world of mankind. These three stages of development have also been accompanied by the formation and evolution of development anthropology： from the early involvement of applied anthropology and action anthropology in the practice of development to the formation of development anthropology and its gradual and deep involvement in the practical and theoretical study of development， thus imperceptibly the Development Anthropology has been at the forefront of theoretical research on development.

Key words： Community development; Social development; Human development; Development anthropology; Development issues

Farmers' associations and rural \"symbiosis\" community construction： A field study based on the Farmers' Association of Shoufeng Town in Hualian， Taiwan" " " ZHUANG Chenyan， MA Runzhi （ 65 ）

Abstract： Villager participation is the focus and difficulty of rural revitalization. This study takes the farmers' cooperative organization， the Farmers' Association， in Taiwan as an example， and uses Patnan's social capital theory as an analytical framework to explain how the Farmers' Association establishes associations and cultivates social capital， and how it promotes the production of social capital through associational activities and collective actions， guides villagers' participation in rural development， and builds a \"symbiosis\" community. Unlike mainland farmers' cooperatives that focus on economic functions， Taiwan's farmers' associations emphasize the organic integration of economic and social functions， and on the basis of cultivating villagers' mutual aid and cooperation and public spirit， they stimulate the endogenous development of villages and achieve sustainable economic and social development. The experience of Taiwan's farmers' associations can help provide new ideas for thinking about how to get rid of the problems of \"hollowing out\" and \"insufficient endogenous power\" in the development of mainland villages

Key words： Farmer cooperatives; \"Symbiosis\" communities; Social capital cultivation; Social capital production

From Suspension to Acceleration：The Temporal System of Urban Funerals in Modern Shanghai and Its Ethical Implications" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " PAN Tianshu， TANG Shenqi （ 74 ）

Abstract： Based on a succinct review of the temporal changes in funeral customs in the developmental process of modern Shanghai， this article presents an analysis of the social causes of the transformation from local funeral practices to urban funeral services， as well as the impact of this change brought about by ideas of science and “progress” on the current funeral system in Shanghai. In the modern era， the temporal system of funeral practices in Shanghai has consistently been in an accelerated state. Since the opening of Shanghai port， a modern social structure has gradually formed， with a growing and mobile population， high social differentiation， and various specialized social organizations. In accordance with the funeral traditions of Han Chinese society， those who died far away from home and were unable to be buried in their native-place were taken care of by guilds， with their bodies still marked by society， preserving their individual characteristics and social and cultural attributes. The guild established a unique social space for the deceased， and in the long waiting process for burial， the local cultural system was reiterated， exerting a moral force of cohesion and integration. The intervention of the Western public health and the increased degree of medicalization led to a fundamental change in the public understanding about the “deceased”. In the process of urbanization， human life-course is viewed as a linear process， and death is objectified as a biological change and regulated through technological intervention. Theories of evolutionism and biomedical science thus resulted in such a change in perception which has shaped current urban funeral practices： after a person's death， the “scientific” fact of death is quickly established and incorporated into an accelerated process of organization and control. The way in which people coped with the complex emotions generated by death， such as fear， pain， and anxiety， in the fast and finely segmented funeral process， remains an issue for further observation and discussion.

Key words： Death; City， Funerals， Time

Research on the Influencing Factors of Intangible Cultural Heritage Responsible Behavior of Residents in Ethnic Tourism Communities——Taking Three Miao Villages in Leishan County as an Example" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " LV Wanqing， YANG Junyi （ 86 ）

Abstract： Exploring the influencing factors of ethnic tourism community residents' Intangible Cultural Heritage responsible behavior is of great significance to the protection and inheritance of the ICH. The article applies the rooting theory to refine the key factors affecting the ICH responsibility behavior of residents in ethnic tourism communities and constructs a theoretical model. It is found that the key factors influencing the ICH responsibility behavior of ethnic tourism community residents are comprehensive interests， social forces， rational balance， emotional connections， moral norms， policy support and perceived behavioral control. Comprehensive interests and social forces indirectly affect the ICH responsible behaviors of ethnic tourism community residents through their rational balance and emotional ties， in which social forces also indirectly affect the ICH responsible behaviors of ethnic tourism community residents through moral norms; policy support is a reinforcing factor for the ICH responsible behaviors of ethnic tourism community residents， which affects the direction and strength of the relationship between antecedent factors and the ICH responsible behaviors; perceived behavioral control directly affects the implementation of ICH responsibility behavior of ethnic tourism community residents. The findings of the study not only provide a new perspective for the study of the ICH protection and inheritance in tourism context， but also provide certain management insights for ethnic tourism areas to guide the implementation of ICH responsible behavior of community residents.

Key words： Ethnic tourism;ICH responsible behavior; Grounded Theory; Miao villages

Between relationalization and categorization：Entrepreneurial practice and social network reconstruction of returning peasant worker in Wuling Mountainous Area of western Hubei

XIE Suman（ 97 ）

Abstract： Based on the fieldwork of rural areas in Wuling mountainous area of western Hubei， this paper finds that the social network of acquaintances is mainly maintained by traditional Confucian ethics， showing a relational social network state， but the lagging production mode and narrow living space limit the expansion of rural social network. With the rapid increase of urban-rural population migration， especially after a large number of peasant workers move to cities and return to their hometown， the original relatively single reconstruction method tends to be diversified， and presents the juxtaposition of multiple social networks such as relationalization and categorization. The juxtaposition of multiple social networks is not only the embodiment of urban-rural mobility， but also the result of the integration of rurality and urbanity into daily life practice by different groups of people based on their survival choices. Its formation has important implications for re-understanding the relationship between the state， society and individuals， as well as further understanding the differential pattern and public-private boundaries in the process of China 's social transformation.

Key words： Returning peasant workers; social network; relationalization; categorization; a juxtaposition

Study on the Construction of Township （Street） Social Work Stations under the background of Rural Revitalization" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " nbsp; " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " XU Mengfan， ZHANG Yukun（ 107 ）

Abstract： The construction of social work stations is an important product of the modernization of grass-roots governance and an important initiative to promote rural revitalization. Through long-term field research on many township （street） social work stations and interviews with social workers in the stations， it can be seen that the current construction of social work stations presents the basic situation of \"urgent demand， heavy construction and weak development\". Among them， the imperfection of talent management and service mechanism is an important dilemma in the construction of township （street） social work stations， which to a certain extent weakens the developmental needs in the construction of the stations. In the local context， in order to better promote the construction of township （street） social work stations， guaranteeing the funding of the public finance system， promoting the specialization， independence of the stations through the improvement of the institutional mechanism， and utilizing the network information technology to promote the development of township （street） social work stations in the inter-temporal and spatial contexts are important practice-oriented aspects that can be paid attention to in the future. At the same time， the choice of paths in terms of top-level design， positioning of the main body， endogenous motivation， and cultivation mechanism can， to a certain extent， promote the modernization and transformation of the construction of social work stations， and enable the process to achieve the effect of improving quality and increasing capacity.

Key words：Rural Revitalization;Township （Street）;Social Work Station Construction;Path Choice

Knowledge Production， Textual Flux and the Pitfalls of Interpretation——An Examination Centered on the Legend of Wangfuyun（《望夫云》）" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " YANG Wenhui （ 118 ）

Abstract： The production of knowledge about the Wangfuyun has gone through a long historical process， and is the result of the organic fusion of local knowledge of the Erhai region and traditional knowledge resources of the Central Plains. The combing of documentary records shows that Wangfuyun was not produced during the Nanzhao period， but was formally produced in the early Qing Dynasty by the rewriting of intellectual elites on the basis of a variety of knowledge resources that had appeared in the records of the Ming Dynasty. The text reflects the social context of the Erhai region in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties， and the mainstream knowledge of Wangfuyun nowadays originates from Mr. Xu Jiarui's reconstruction and interpretation of Wangfuyun.

Key words： Knowledge Production; Textual Flux; Folklore; Wangfuyun

The Immigration Development and the Formation of “Frontier-Han Society” in Tengchong Bazi Region During the Ming and Qing Dynasties——A Perspective of Historical Anthropology

CHEN Yan， YIN Jiandong （ 131 ）

Abstract： During the Ming and Qing dynasties， the military and governmental establishment and immigration development of Tengchong area mainly centered in the Bazi（壩子） which were suitable for farming and settlement. The establishment of agricultural economy and market system centered in the Bazi area and the formation of regional transportation network not only changed the local community structure and population distribution pattern， but also promoted the generation of \"Border-Han society\" in Tengchong area. Its development characteristics are mainly reflected in two aspects： first， the clan construction of Han immigrants and the reconstruction of local society under the dominance of Han culture; second， the identity of the indigenous people in the process of Sinicization， clan development， and identity change. This makes the formation of Tengchong's \"Han society\" significantly different from that of other regions. By exploring the above issues， we may be able to provide a new analytical path and direction of thinking for academic research on related issues， and help to understand and recognize the spatial and temporal characteristics of the formation of Community for the Chinese Nation and its complex historical motives from a \"frontier perspective\".

Key words： Bazi（壩子）; Immigration development; Frontier Han people society; Historical anthropology；Tengchong

A Dispute on Ancestral Grave： legitimacy of residence and hierarchy of groups in downstream area in Qingshui River Basin" " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " WANG Jun， ZHANG Mo （ 144 ）

Abstract： A legal case caused us to research on the complex relationship between different groups in downstream area in Qingshui River Basin. During Ming and Qing dynasties， indigenous villagers and the immigrants carried out a long-term process of cooperation and striving to coexist in the activities of wood-planting and wood-management in different villages in this area， thus extremely local characteristic historical expressions in this region among different groups were formed. The emphasis on “the origin-first principle” is absolutely appeal for “l(fā)egitimacy of residence; meanwhile， it also embodies what hierarchy of different groups is like in this area.

Key words： Qingshui River; Grave hill; Origin-first principle; Legitimacy of residence; Local order

收稿日期：2023-09-13

基金項(xiàng)目：貴州省高校人文社會(huì)科學(xué)研究基地項(xiàng)目“明清以來西南民族地區(qū)的市場(chǎng)演變與民族交融研究”（23GZGXRWJD051）。

作者簡介：王君，民族學(xué)博士，貴州大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院副教授，貴州大學(xué)西部現(xiàn)代化研究院副教授；張末，貴州大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院碩士研究生（貴陽，550025）。