阿爾升·海達(dá)別克 周同 喻潔 王計(jì)悅意 陳飛 丁雪辰

摘? 要? 獨(dú)處是一種在真實(shí)和虛擬環(huán)境中個體與他人沒有交流的狀態(tài)。從童年期到老年期, 獨(dú)處在個體不同發(fā)展階段帶來不同的影響。關(guān)于獨(dú)處的適應(yīng)功能, 以往研究者持不同的觀點(diǎn), 或積極論或消極論, 且有一種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為: 獨(dú)處同時具有益處與代價。鑒于研究者們對于獨(dú)處的觀點(diǎn)不一致, 本研究從畢生發(fā)展的視角出發(fā), 對各個發(fā)展時期獨(dú)處益處與代價的相關(guān)研究進(jìn)行梳理, 探討其動態(tài)變化與發(fā)展, 并提出了畢生發(fā)展視角下獨(dú)處益處與代價的比較模型。未來研究可以更多關(guān)注以個體為中心的研究, 整合獨(dú)處多維性, 以畢生發(fā)展視角收集橫縱向數(shù)據(jù)直接對比, 豐富獨(dú)處益處與代價的發(fā)展機(jī)制, 結(jié)合文化背景理解獨(dú)處的內(nèi)涵, 關(guān)注當(dāng)代數(shù)字技術(shù)發(fā)展背景對于個體獨(dú)處的影響, 考察獨(dú)處的認(rèn)知神經(jīng)機(jī)制, 并思考獨(dú)處在不同年齡段的實(shí)踐意義。
關(guān)鍵詞? 獨(dú)處, 畢生發(fā)展觀, 適應(yīng)功能, 益處, 代價
分類號 ?B844
1? 引言
在過去, 研究者關(guān)注更多的是社會互動與人際關(guān)系對于個體發(fā)展的重要意義, 相對忽略了獨(dú)處(solitude)的影響(陳曉, 周暉, 2012)。而事實(shí)上, 獨(dú)處與社會互動同樣普遍存在于人的一生之中, 且兩者是同等重要的成長需求, 都可以用來解決矛盾、降低病態(tài)(Coplan, Hipson, et al., 2019), 每個有機(jī)體都需要在親密與獨(dú)處之間尋求平衡(陳曉, 周暉, 2012)。在成長的過程中, 個體會出于各種不同的原因體驗(yàn)獨(dú)處, 并會在獨(dú)處時主動做出一些行為, 從而產(chǎn)生不同的影響。有些人可能會將獨(dú)處作為面對生活壓力時給自己提供一個喘息的機(jī)會, 或安靜地沉思, 或培養(yǎng)創(chuàng)造性, 或與大自然交流; 而另一些人則可能因被他人孤立而遭受著獨(dú)處的痛苦(Coplan, Bowker, et al., 2021)。由此可見, 獨(dú)處具有一定的復(fù)雜性。
針對這種復(fù)雜性, 不同研究者對獨(dú)處做出了不同的界定。例如, 在較早時期, Burger (1995)認(rèn)為, 獨(dú)處是個體沒有任何社會互動的狀態(tài), 而Larson (1990)則認(rèn)為個體在意識上與他人分離, 信息或情感均無與外界交流的狀態(tài)就是獨(dú)處, 這種獨(dú)處強(qiáng)調(diào)意識上的遠(yuǎn)離, 而不是物理上的遠(yuǎn)離。隨后Long等人(2003)則提出, 獨(dú)處是不論在真實(shí)還是虛擬環(huán)境, 均與他人無互動的客觀狀態(tài)。但隨著時代的發(fā)展, 屏幕和其他形式數(shù)字技術(shù)無處不在的現(xiàn)實(shí)有可能完全重塑我們對獨(dú)處的概念界定(Coplan et al., 2018), Campbell和Ross (2022)最近的文章指出: 數(shù)字時代下獨(dú)處的界定應(yīng)從“獨(dú)自一人(being alone)”轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)椤安唤涣鳎╪oncommunication)”。從上述定義中可以發(fā)現(xiàn), 目前大多研究都將獨(dú)處廣泛定義為個體與外界缺乏互動或不交流的一種行為狀態(tài), 區(qū)別于孤獨(dú)感(loneliness)只能體驗(yàn)到單一的消極情緒, 在本研究中我們認(rèn)為獨(dú)處是一種在真實(shí)和虛擬環(huán)境中個體與他人沒有進(jìn)行交流, 能夠容納不同情緒體驗(yàn)的狀態(tài)。
適應(yīng)是個體發(fā)展不可或缺的要素, 不僅能夠反映個體發(fā)展的現(xiàn)狀, 而且對其未來也有重要的價值。近年來, 研究者們一直不斷探討?yīng)毺幍倪m應(yīng)功能(Hoppmann et al., 2021; Lay et al., 2019; Luo et al., 2022; Pauly et al., 2022), 并對此持有不同的觀點(diǎn): 一些研究表明獨(dú)處可能伴隨著孤獨(dú)感等負(fù)面情緒(Hoppmann et al., 2021; Pauly et al., 2022), 另一些研究則認(rèn)為獨(dú)處可以是積極的體驗(yàn)(Lay et al., 2019), 還有研究者持獨(dú)處是一把雙刃劍, 它既有益處也同樣有一定的代價(Lay et al., 2018)。鑒于目前對于獨(dú)處適應(yīng)功能的爭議性, 本研究選取心理適應(yīng)和社會適應(yīng)等關(guān)鍵變量, 提出從畢生發(fā)展的視角探討個體一生不同年齡階段獨(dú)處的益處與代價之間的比較, 以更好地理解獨(dú)處動態(tài)變化與發(fā)展, 并對Coplan, Ooi等人(2019)的獨(dú)處發(fā)展時間效應(yīng)理論模型進(jìn)行拓展, 從而發(fā)現(xiàn)個體獨(dú)處因各年齡階段發(fā)展任務(wù)的不同具有不同的適應(yīng)功能, 更全面地解釋獨(dú)處對個體適應(yīng)的意義所在。
2? 第一輪: 童年期獨(dú)處代價占據(jù)上風(fēng)
對于童年早期兒童而言, 獨(dú)處狀態(tài)常被描述為獨(dú)自游戲, 是一種十分常見的現(xiàn)象(Rubin, 1982)。研究者認(rèn)為, 獨(dú)自游戲(如旁觀行為、敲打積木、假裝游戲、試圖弄明白玩具操作原理等; Coplan et al., 2014)是學(xué)齡前兒童社會交往發(fā)展的重要條件(Katz & Buchholz, 1999)。例如, 沉默行為是大部分兒童在獨(dú)自玩耍和他人玩耍之間發(fā)展出規(guī)范的橋梁, 兒童通過從觀看他人玩耍(即旁觀), 到與其他孩子一起玩耍(即平行玩耍), 再到社會參與(即群體游戲和同伴對話) (Rubin et al., 2002)。
然而, 童年期獨(dú)處給兒童可能帶來更多的是消極影響。偏好獨(dú)處的兒童不僅易引發(fā)其不良思維模式(Long & Averill, 2003), 其社會能力的發(fā)展也受到抑制。例如, 研究發(fā)現(xiàn)選擇獨(dú)處的兒童會面臨更多的同伴互動困難(Ding et al., 2015; Ding et al., 2019; Ladd et al., 2011; Nelson et al., 2008), 更多的行為抑制(Smith et al., 2019), 更多的內(nèi)化問題行為(Coplan et al., 2013; Gornik et al., 2018), 以及更多的學(xué)校適應(yīng)不良(Chen et al., 2011)。最近, 一項(xiàng)橫向跨年齡對比的研究發(fā)現(xiàn): 相比青少年時期, 兒童時期的獨(dú)處偏好與社會情緒適應(yīng)困難有著更強(qiáng)的聯(lián)系(Ding et al., 2023)。這可能是由于從童年早期開始, 兒童與同伴互動的數(shù)量和質(zhì)量都在逐步上升, 同伴互動逐漸成為兒童日常社交環(huán)境中的常態(tài)和規(guī)范(Rubin et al., 2018), 兒童的社會、情緒和認(rèn)知發(fā)展及心理健康都需要大量的積極同伴互動作為保證(Rubin et al., 2015)。例如, 研究者發(fā)現(xiàn)當(dāng)需要在擅長社交的同伴和經(jīng)常單獨(dú)游戲的同伴中做出玩伴選擇時, 即使單獨(dú)游戲的玩伴被描述為可愛的, 童年早期兒童仍會報告不想與其共同游戲(Coplan et al., 2007; Zava et al., 2019)。
綜上, 在童年期, 雖然獨(dú)自游戲?yàn)閭€體社交技能的發(fā)展提供了鋪墊, 但在同伴互動發(fā)展的重要階段, 獨(dú)處卻導(dǎo)致了兒童缺乏同伴交往的機(jī)會, 從而給個體的社會情緒適應(yīng)帶來負(fù)面影響。因此在這一年齡階段, 獨(dú)處的代價占據(jù)上風(fēng)。
3? 第二輪: 青少年期獨(dú)處代價達(dá)到頂峰
青少年期被認(rèn)為是獨(dú)處重要而又獨(dú)特的發(fā)展時期(Bowker et al., 2016)。“金發(fā)姑娘假說(Goldilocks Hypothesis)”認(rèn)為青少年有一個“剛剛好”的獨(dú)處頻率, 獨(dú)處過長過短都可能是有問題的(Coplan, Hipson, et al., 2021), 獨(dú)處時間過長不利于建立和維持同伴關(guān)系(Coplan, Ooi, et al., 2019), 獨(dú)處時間不足會帶來消極的情緒與感受(Yang et al., 2023)。在這一時期, 獨(dú)處受到了格外多關(guān)注與探討, 其適應(yīng)功能也開始逐漸過渡與轉(zhuǎn)型。Fromm-Reichmann (1959)從發(fā)展的角度提出“成長的獨(dú)處” (growing aloneness)來描繪從青春期開始的獨(dú)處現(xiàn)象。例如, 美國一項(xiàng)研究對383名兒童進(jìn)行從幼兒園時期至12年級為期13年的追蹤, 發(fā)現(xiàn)隨著年齡增長, 兒童獨(dú)處偏好平均水平呈上升趨勢, 與低年級相比, 青少年期獨(dú)處偏好的增長速度有所加快(Ladd et al., 2019)。在中國背景下, Hu等人(2022)在13~16歲青少年中也發(fā)現(xiàn)了類似的增長軌跡。這一發(fā)展特征可能與青少年后期的心理適應(yīng)相關(guān)(Coplan, Ooi, et al., 2019; Teppers et al., 2013), 偏好獨(dú)處的兒童開始希望參與并享受單獨(dú)活動時間(Borg & Willoughby, 2022; Coplan, Ooi et al., 2021), 對隱私的渴望也同步增加(Maes et al., 2016), 對獨(dú)處產(chǎn)生更加積極的態(tài)度(Danneel et al., 2018; Wood et al., 2022), 這種建設(shè)性的獨(dú)處可能會給青少年的發(fā)展帶來積極影響(Corsano et al., 2019; Hipson et al., 2021; Thomas & Azmitia, 2019)。
但是, 這一年齡階段個體獨(dú)處的代價可能依然遠(yuǎn)高于其益處。考慮到同伴關(guān)系對于青少年發(fā)展的重要意義, 獨(dú)處可能會限制青少年形成積極的同伴關(guān)系和學(xué)習(xí)關(guān)鍵社交技能的機(jī)會(Bowker et al., 2021)。無論是青少年早期、中期還是晚期, 獨(dú)處都更明顯地與消極適應(yīng)結(jié)果相關(guān)聯(lián)。例如, 許多研究均發(fā)現(xiàn), 獨(dú)處偏好與青少年早期的抑郁和低自尊等內(nèi)化行為問題有關(guān)(Hu et al., 2022; Wang et al., 2013; Zhang & Eggum-Wilkens, 2018), 且不被同伴所接納(Bowker & Raja, 2011; Liu et al., 2015)。Coplan和Ooi等人(2019)認(rèn)為, 青春期早期和中期是獨(dú)處最有可能與消極適應(yīng)相關(guān)的年齡階段。與此同時, 青春期后期的獨(dú)處已被證實(shí)與焦慮、孤獨(dú)和抑郁等消極情緒相關(guān)(Thomas & Azmitia, 2019), 并且也面臨著同伴交往能力低下的問題(Rubin et al., 2015)。
青春期的獨(dú)處具有其獨(dú)特性, 隨著青少年自主性的發(fā)展, 獨(dú)處偏好也隨之增加。“剛剛好的獨(dú)處”和“成長性的獨(dú)處”或許可以幫助青少年可以進(jìn)行自我探索。但盡管如此, 青少年的獨(dú)處仍易產(chǎn)生多種內(nèi)化行為問題, 并且使青少年面臨著社會適應(yīng)不良的風(fēng)險, 獨(dú)處的代價在這一階段持續(xù)上升達(dá)到頂峰。
4? 第三輪: 成年早期獨(dú)處益處逐步顯現(xiàn)
Winnicott (1958)從客體關(guān)系理論的視角出發(fā), 用“悖論” (paradox)一詞來解釋成年人獨(dú)處能力形成源于嬰兒期的安全依戀, 獨(dú)處能力的形成使得成年早期個體對于獨(dú)處的接受度越來越高(Bowker et al., 2020)。隨著個體自主性的不斷發(fā)展以及身份角色的轉(zhuǎn)變, 成年早期個體尋求獨(dú)處的意愿變得更強(qiáng), 并期待通過“獨(dú)自度過安靜的時光”獲得休息(Toyoshima & Sato, 2015)。近期有研究提出成年早期有兩種獨(dú)立的獨(dú)處動機(jī)結(jié)構(gòu): 自我決定的獨(dú)處和非自我決定的獨(dú)處, 并發(fā)現(xiàn)自我決定的獨(dú)處動機(jī)可以讓個體在自我接納和個人成長方面表現(xiàn)出更高的幸福感(Thomas & Azmitia, 2019), 顯著增加了積極獨(dú)處體驗(yàn)的機(jī)會(Larson, 1990; Long & Averill, 2003), 并緩解低歸屬感個體的孤獨(dú)感(Nguyen et al., 2019), 與積極的適應(yīng)結(jié)果有關(guān)(Tse et al., 2022)。與此同時, 對于主動選擇獨(dú)處的年輕人而言, 獨(dú)處可以帶來放松和壓力減輕, 同時不被獨(dú)處時的侵入式消極思維所困擾(Nguyen et al., 2018; Nguyen et al., 2022)。
盡管擁有獨(dú)處能力被認(rèn)為是成年早期的一種良性發(fā)展特征(Bowker et al., 2017; Coplan, Ooi, et al., 2019), 但也有研究發(fā)現(xiàn)成年早期個體的獨(dú)處偏好與負(fù)面情緒之間存在正相關(guān)關(guān)系(Toyoshima & Sato, 2015)。究其原因, 可能是獨(dú)處態(tài)度與獨(dú)處動機(jī)的匹配度所致。例如, Zhou等人(2023)采用潛在剖面分析探討中國大學(xué)生不同獨(dú)處亞型, 發(fā)現(xiàn)在4類獨(dú)處亞型中, 積極獨(dú)處?動機(jī)驅(qū)動組表現(xiàn)出了最高水平的自主獨(dú)處動機(jī)和最高水平的獨(dú)處偏好, 并且適應(yīng)良好。而消極獨(dú)處組則表現(xiàn)出最高水平的厭惡獨(dú)處態(tài)度和最低水平的自主獨(dú)處動機(jī)。這樣的結(jié)果提示, 當(dāng)獨(dú)處的態(tài)度(偏好vs.厭惡)與動機(jī)(自我決定vs. 非自我決定)方向一致時, 成年早期的獨(dú)處偏好可能會給個體帶來積極的發(fā)展結(jié)果(Zhou et al., 2023)。
成年早期獨(dú)處的消極影響有所轉(zhuǎn)變, 獨(dú)處的代價不再占據(jù)絕對上風(fēng), 自我決定的獨(dú)處動機(jī)有助于個體自我接納, 獨(dú)處的益處得以逐步顯現(xiàn)。所以, 在這一階段, 獨(dú)處動機(jī)和態(tài)度仍是決定個體獨(dú)處結(jié)果適應(yīng)與否的關(guān)鍵因素, 兩者的不一致可能會使個體產(chǎn)生適應(yīng)不良的風(fēng)險。
5? 第四輪: 成年中期益處與代價不相上下
盡管研究者認(rèn)為獨(dú)處在整個成年期是普遍存在的體驗(yàn), 甚至有時選擇獨(dú)處的時間會遠(yuǎn)超過和他人呆在一起的時間(Larson, 1990; Lay et al., 2020; Leary et al., 2003), 但與成年早期和老年期相比, 成年中期因其所處生命階段的特定目標(biāo)和社會角色, 承擔(dān)著最重的養(yǎng)育照顧責(zé)任和生活壓力(Mehta et al., 2020), 所以他們可能更少有時間或自由去獨(dú)處(Larson, 1990; Lay et al., 2018)。與之對應(yīng)的是, 成年中期的個體可能出于逃避現(xiàn)實(shí)等原因?qū)τ讵?dú)處抱有很高的渴望(Ost mor et al., 2020), 相比于成年早期個體表現(xiàn)出更多的自主性獨(dú)處動機(jī)和更多的獨(dú)處偏好(Toyoshima & Sato, 2019; Weinstein et al., 2021)。他們的自我決定動機(jī)可能會隨著獨(dú)處能力的提高和更好的自我調(diào)節(jié)能力而蓬勃發(fā)展(Yuan & Grühn, 2022), 并已獲得相關(guān)證據(jù)支持。例如, 兩項(xiàng)基于成年早期至老年期個體的經(jīng)驗(yàn)抽樣研究發(fā)現(xiàn), 年齡越大且自主性越高的個體對日常獨(dú)處時刻的體驗(yàn)越積極(Nikitin et al., 2022)。成年中期個體尋求獨(dú)處是通過把時間花在自己身上, 進(jìn)行調(diào)節(jié)活動(如冥想), 將注意力引導(dǎo)到內(nèi)在狀態(tài), 從而恢復(fù)能量(Korpela & Staats, 2021); 又或是在獨(dú)處時進(jìn)行更多的自我反省活動, 培養(yǎng)了更多的耐心和精神投入(Weinstein et al., 2021), 這些活動都可能會給個體發(fā)展帶來長期的好處(Ardelt & Grunwald, 2018)。
另一方面, 成年中期的獨(dú)處也同樣暗含著潛在風(fēng)險。最近一項(xiàng)在疫情期間開展的橫向研究發(fā)現(xiàn), 與青少年和老年人相比, 盡管成年中期個體的自主動機(jī)最強(qiáng), 但是他們在獨(dú)處時的情緒波動較多, 并認(rèn)為獨(dú)處時間破壞了自己的幸福感與對周圍的熟悉感(Weinstein et al., 2021), 當(dāng)然, 值得注意的是, 在疫情期間被試可能經(jīng)歷了非典型的獨(dú)處狀態(tài), 破壞了社交時間和獨(dú)處時間的平衡(Robb et al., 2020)。隨著成年人所經(jīng)歷的特定階段的生活目標(biāo)、挑戰(zhàn)、環(huán)境和需求的變化(Mehta et al., 2020), 個體從成年早期到成年中期, 獨(dú)處偏好也會發(fā)生變化, 并且與其不同的情感狀態(tài)相聯(lián)系。研究發(fā)現(xiàn), 較高的獨(dú)處偏好水平與社會情緒水平表現(xiàn)出負(fù)相關(guān), 如孤獨(dú)感增加, 生活滿意度降低, 積極情感減少(Burger, 1995; Lay et al., 2018; Toyoshima & Sato, 2019)。這同樣與以往研究者關(guān)于“獨(dú)處是一把雙刃劍”的觀點(diǎn)(Lay et al., 2018)相呼應(yīng)。至于它是益處或是代價, 還是兩者兼而有之, 取決于一個人對獨(dú)處的動機(jī)與態(tài)度(Yuan & Grühn, 2022)。對此, 有研究發(fā)現(xiàn), 對于喜歡獨(dú)處的母親而言, 積極獨(dú)處有助于緩解養(yǎng)育壓力對心理適應(yīng)的影響; 而對于獨(dú)處偏好較低的母親, 非自愿獨(dú)處則會加劇他們受到壓力之后的消極心理, 降低婚姻滿意度(Dong et al., 2022)。
在成年中期, 個體的身份有所轉(zhuǎn)變, 面臨沉重的養(yǎng)育責(zé)任和生活壓力, 個體會對于獨(dú)處有更高的需求與更高的自主動機(jī), 以獲得放松或調(diào)整自我。但在這一階段獨(dú)處仍會對個體的社會情緒適應(yīng)產(chǎn)生消極影響, 此時獨(dú)處益處和代價不相上下, 難以體現(xiàn)其差異。
6? 第五輪: 老年期獨(dú)處代價再次抬頭
雖說獨(dú)處貫穿于個體的一生之中, 但獨(dú)處時間在老年時期是相對最長的, 甚至部分老年人生活中71%的時間處于獨(dú)處狀態(tài)(Chui et al., 2014; Pauly et al., 2018)。Diekema (1992)的社會關(guān)系視角(Aloneness and Social Form)認(rèn)為, 每一種獨(dú)處狀態(tài)暗含個體與群體關(guān)系的獨(dú)特意義, 對于社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)沖突多的個體, 獨(dú)處的負(fù)面影響較低(Birditt et al., 2018)。這樣看來, 獨(dú)處似乎是有益于老年期個體自身的, 那些表現(xiàn)出更多獨(dú)處偏好的老年人, 同時也報告了更多積極的獨(dú)處經(jīng)歷, 更少的孤獨(dú)感, 更少的負(fù)面影響(Li & Tang, 2022; Nikitin et al., 2022; Toyoshima & Sato, 2015), 和對于獨(dú)處更多的享受(Lay et al., 2020)。最近的一項(xiàng)研究(Toyoshima & Sato, 2019)通過比較青年、中年、老年三個年齡組個體的獨(dú)處偏好, 得到關(guān)于老年人獨(dú)處偏好更加直接的研究證據(jù): 相比于其他組, 老年人同時報告了更多的獨(dú)處時間以及更多的積極情緒。
與上述研究證據(jù)相對矛盾的是, 另一項(xiàng)針對18~84歲個體的研究采用了為期10天日記法的方式發(fā)現(xiàn): 平均獨(dú)處時間越長, 孤獨(dú)感會越強(qiáng)烈, 并且這種關(guān)聯(lián)在老年個體中更為突出(Pauly et al., 2022)。可見, 同樣對于老年人來說, 獨(dú)處依然同時包含了積極和消極的含義(Hoppmann et al., 2021), 并且不能簡單認(rèn)為老年期的獨(dú)處偏好存在絕對的積極意義。個體社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)成員的離世或退休帶來的社會角色變化導(dǎo)致老年人客觀上會經(jīng)歷更多的被迫性獨(dú)處(Fiori et al., 2007; Wagner et al., 1999), 而這種被迫獨(dú)處的代價也具有相當(dāng)?shù)奈kU性。例如, 老年人獨(dú)自生活會存在因身體健康下降、殘疾以及伴侶和朋友死亡等因素而面臨的社會孤立風(fēng)險(Courtin & Knapp, 2017; Victor & Bowling, 2012)。如果老年人因身體原因自主性需求沒有被滿足, 獨(dú)處變?yōu)楸黄鹊倪x擇, 那么這種社交隔離也會引起適應(yīng)不良(Hoppmann et al., 2021; Lang & Baltes, 1997), 如老年人抑郁風(fēng)險增加、更低水平的生活滿意度等(Golden et al., 2009; Toyoshima & Sato, 2015; Zunzunegui et al., 2003), 產(chǎn)生諸多消極影響。
整體而言, 相對于成年期其他階段, 個體在老年期具有更多可支配的時間, 并且對于獨(dú)處具有更高的自主性, 他們可以通過獨(dú)處來調(diào)節(jié)情緒、從中享受獨(dú)處。與此同時, 不可否認(rèn)的是老年期個體更容易面臨社會孤立而被迫獨(dú)處, 這會給個體情感、生活、社交方面帶來風(fēng)險, 使得獨(dú)處的代價再次抬頭。
7? 總結(jié)
綜上所述, 本研究以畢生發(fā)展的視角討論個體從童年期到老年期獨(dú)處的發(fā)展特點(diǎn)與適應(yīng)功能, 揭示獨(dú)處的確是一把雙刃劍, 對于個體的發(fā)展同時具有益處與代價。總體而言, 不同年齡階段個體獨(dú)處表現(xiàn)出一定的變化特點(diǎn), 如兒童時期的獨(dú)自游戲→青少年期的自我探索與娛樂→成年早期的工作與休息→成年中期的放松與反省→老年期的問題解決與情緒調(diào)節(jié)。且隨著年齡的發(fā)展, 不同階段獨(dú)處益處與代價的表現(xiàn)出不同的特征。在童年期, 兒童進(jìn)行獨(dú)自游戲是發(fā)展其社會交往功能的橋梁, 但與此同時這也直接導(dǎo)致個體錯失與同伴交往的機(jī)會, 獨(dú)處的代價占據(jù)上風(fēng); 在青少年期, 盡管個體有更大的社交自主性, 但其所面臨社會期許與規(guī)范增加, 這時獨(dú)處易產(chǎn)生多種內(nèi)化行為問題且面臨著同伴的壓力, 獨(dú)處的代價達(dá)到頂峰; 在成年早期, 自我決定的獨(dú)處動機(jī)有助于自我接納和個人成長, 獨(dú)處的益處開始逐步顯現(xiàn), 但是因動機(jī)與態(tài)度的不一致, 個體可能也會產(chǎn)生一些負(fù)面情緒; 在成年中期, 隨著個體身份轉(zhuǎn)變, 對于獨(dú)處有更高的需求和自主動機(jī), 但也面臨不同的社會情感得失, 此時獨(dú)處的益處和代價不相上下; 到了老年期, 個體對于獨(dú)處具有很高的自主性并且開始享受獨(dú)處, 但是這一階段老年人可能會面對社交孤立, 這會對個體認(rèn)知、情感、生活帶來極大的威脅, 獨(dú)處的代價再次抬頭。
最后, 本研究繪制了畢生發(fā)展視角下童年期至老年期獨(dú)處益處與代價的比較模型(見圖1)。
8? 思考與展望
從畢生發(fā)展的視角探討?yīng)毺幘哂兄匾睦碚撆c實(shí)踐意義, 因?yàn)楠?dú)處與人際交往并存于人生發(fā)展的每個階段, 并對個體的發(fā)展帶來或積極或消極的影響。盡管以往研究者關(guān)注到兒童及青少年獨(dú)處的適應(yīng)功能, 但對其理論解釋以及發(fā)展軌跡仍存在以下一些不足, 需要在未來加以探索與改善。
8.1? 以個體為中心的視角, 整合獨(dú)處的多維性
雖然許多研究者已從不同角度關(guān)注了獨(dú)處, 但目前的研究大多是以變量為中心對獨(dú)處進(jìn)行探討, 鮮有研究將獨(dú)處狀態(tài)的多維特點(diǎn)同時進(jìn)行考察。而以往研究提出觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為: 獨(dú)處是一種復(fù)雜而多維的狀態(tài)(Coplan, Bowker et al., 2021), 因此這種整合對于理解獨(dú)處這一復(fù)雜現(xiàn)象來說是十分必要的, 單獨(dú)考察某一方面往往造成理解上的偏頗, 例如認(rèn)為偏好獨(dú)處就是適應(yīng)不良而忽略了選擇獨(dú)處的動機(jī)。整合獨(dú)處的多個維度能夠更好地捕捉個體行為的潛在差異, 從不同的角度深入探究獨(dú)處這一概念本身(Bowker et al., 2014)。目前僅有個別研究采用以個體為中心的研究方法, 試圖整合獨(dú)處的多個維度(Borg & Willoughby, 2023, ?M年齡 = 12.48歲; Hipson et al., 2021, 青少年, ??M年齡 = 16.14歲; Lay et al., 2018, 成人, M年齡 = ?20 ~ 67歲; Maes et al., 2016, 青少年, M年齡 = 16.56 ~ 15.78歲; Zhou et al., 2023, 大學(xué)生, M年齡 = 19.71歲)。由于以個體為中心的研究方法對于變量指標(biāo)的選擇具有一定的靈活性, 目前這幾項(xiàng)研究的結(jié)果并不能進(jìn)行直接相互比較, 未來研究可以在不同發(fā)展階段, 采用以個體為中心的研究方法(如潛在剖面分析等), 更加系統(tǒng)地整合考察獨(dú)處的多維結(jié)構(gòu)。
8.2? 以畢生發(fā)展為視角, 直接檢驗(yàn)獨(dú)處適應(yīng)功能的動態(tài)發(fā)展
從畢生發(fā)展的視角探索獨(dú)處, 需要關(guān)注獨(dú)處在不同發(fā)展階段的獨(dú)特功能。盡管Coplan和Ooi等人(2019)提出了獨(dú)處的發(fā)展時間效應(yīng)模型, 并且許多研究者都關(guān)注到了不同年齡階段獨(dú)處的適應(yīng)功能(Zava et al., 2019, 兒童, M年齡 = 4.86歲; Hu et al., 2022, 青少年, M年齡 = 14.65歲; Nikitin et al., 2022, 年輕人和老年人, M年齡 = 19~88歲; Ost mor et al., 2020, 中年人, M年齡 = 41~60歲), 但目前獨(dú)處的研究大多只限于兒童與青少年發(fā)展階段, 成年期、老年期的研究稍顯不足, 且大部分的研究證據(jù)較為分散, 難以直接整合進(jìn)行比較。同時, 僅有少量研究嘗試直接比較童年期和青少年階段社會適應(yīng)功能差異(Ding et al., 2023; 萬旋傲 等, 2021), 仍缺乏更廣年齡階段的直接比較。因此, 未來研究不僅需要通過大樣本橫向研究進(jìn)一步比較從童年期到老年期獨(dú)處的益處與代價, 更重要的是, 也需要通過縱向研究更加全面地考察同一批個體在發(fā)展的不同階段中, 獨(dú)處的益處和代價如何動態(tài)變化的全過程。最后, 還可以借助元分析幫助我們更加直觀、細(xì)致地了解獨(dú)處與個體適應(yīng)功能各個指標(biāo)之間的關(guān)系與差異。
8.3? 結(jié)合文化背景理解獨(dú)處的發(fā)展過程
在理解獨(dú)處現(xiàn)象時, 不得不考慮的是文化因素, 因?yàn)椴煌幕袑τ讵?dú)處的態(tài)度和理解存在一定差異, 而對文化差異性的考量有助于更好地理解獨(dú)處這一現(xiàn)象(Buttrick et al., 2019; 丁雪辰 等, 2015; 丁雪辰 等, 2019)。例如, 西方文化更加強(qiáng)調(diào)個體的自由意志, 獨(dú)處更可能被理解為個人選擇, 從而得到更多接納(Bowker et al., 2020)。相反, 在東方文化中更加看重人際關(guān)系與群體互動, 因此獨(dú)處更可能被看作是一種自私或是與社會規(guī)范不符的行為(Chen, 2020), 因而對個體發(fā)展產(chǎn)生更多的消極影響(Liu et al., 2018)。然而, 目前大多數(shù)關(guān)于獨(dú)處的研究多基于西方文化樣本(Coplan, Ooi, et al., 2019; Thomas & Azmitia, 2019; Weinstein & Nguyen, 2020), 在東方文化下的探索則較為有限, 目前僅有少數(shù)研究探索兒童和青少年的獨(dú)處(Ding et al., 2020; Liu et al., 2018; Zhang & Eggum- Wilkens, 2017; Zhang & Eggum‐Wilkens, 2018), 能夠支撐不同文化間比較的研究證據(jù)還相對不平衡, 因此未來需要更多來自東方文化下的研究證據(jù)(包括定性和定量研究), 來描述和揭示獨(dú)處在不同文化下如何被人們所理解, 以及這種文化差異又是如何進(jìn)一步影響個體的發(fā)展結(jié)果。
8.4? 數(shù)字技術(shù)發(fā)展下獨(dú)處的界定與發(fā)展
Coplan和Bowker (2017)認(rèn)為獨(dú)處代表一種精神狀態(tài), 而不是一種存在狀態(tài), 而當(dāng)代數(shù)字技術(shù)的發(fā)展可以使個體既可能在物理空間上獨(dú)處, 同時在虛擬的網(wǎng)絡(luò)世界中與他人進(jìn)行互動(Quandt & Kr?ger, 2013), 這似乎使得“獨(dú)自一人”難以將獨(dú)處概念化(Campbell & Morgan, 2022)。人們可能會發(fā)問: 獨(dú)處的定義是否應(yīng)該包括各種不涉及社會互動的想法、感覺、行為, 如睡覺、玩電子游戲、線上客戶服務(wù)、解決問題等活動(Hoppmann & Pauly, 2022)。過去研究發(fā)現(xiàn)僅僅是對于電子通信軟件即時反饋的期望就可以打斷個體的獨(dú)處(Kushlev et al., 2017), 而近年Coplan等人(2022)專門關(guān)注到青少年獨(dú)處與數(shù)字科技使用, 研究結(jié)果強(qiáng)調(diào)探討?yīng)毺幣c幸福感之間的聯(lián)系時考慮數(shù)字技術(shù)的重要性。另有研究發(fā)現(xiàn)在疫情期間經(jīng)常與他人進(jìn)行虛擬互動的老年人會受益(Tsang et al., 2022)。但目前僅有少量研究關(guān)注到數(shù)字科技如何影響個體獨(dú)處的適應(yīng)功能(Coplan et al., 2022; Diefenbach & Borrmann, 2019; Tsang et al., 2022), 因此未來研究需要關(guān)注在網(wǎng)絡(luò)高速發(fā)展的時代背景下, 獨(dú)處的概念及其對于不同年齡段個體的發(fā)展是否存在新的模式與適應(yīng)功能, 尤其在童年期和成年中期就線上獨(dú)處展開充分討論。
8.5 ?獨(dú)處的認(rèn)知神經(jīng)機(jī)制
基于畢生發(fā)展的視角探討?yīng)毺庪x不開腦結(jié)構(gòu)和功能的變化。隨著認(rèn)知神經(jīng)科學(xué)技術(shù)的興起, 獨(dú)處認(rèn)知神經(jīng)機(jī)制的發(fā)展也是未來研究中不可或缺的一部分。早期關(guān)于社會退縮兒童認(rèn)知神經(jīng)活動表現(xiàn)的研究證據(jù)從側(cè)面提供了一些支持, 社會退縮兒童往往會存在社交趨近?回避動機(jī)的沖突(Poole et al., 2019), 有研究發(fā)現(xiàn), 在靜息狀態(tài)下, 社會退縮兒童右腦額葉表現(xiàn)出相對較強(qiáng)烈的EEG活動, 因此他們更容易出現(xiàn)消極的情緒與回避行為(Fox et al., 1995)。但社會退縮并不能完全等同于獨(dú)處, 最近Huang等人(2023)的研究直接關(guān)注了獨(dú)處動機(jī)與趨近?回避動機(jī)之間的關(guān)聯(lián)程度, 研究者們通過收集18~45歲大學(xué)生(M = 19.77歲)靜息態(tài)EEG下三種常見的與趨近?回避動機(jī)相關(guān)的神經(jīng)生理信號FAA、β抑制和PFTA, 發(fā)現(xiàn)獨(dú)處的神經(jīng)生理基礎(chǔ)僅與趨近?回避系統(tǒng)的情緒(FAA)和身體運(yùn)動(β抑制)方面有關(guān)。具體而言, 獨(dú)處偏好與FAA呈負(fù)相關(guān), 較高的獨(dú)處水平與相對較少的左額葉不對稱有關(guān), 作者認(rèn)為這樣的結(jié)果難以確定偏好獨(dú)處的個體是因?yàn)樗麄兏袤w驗(yàn)到趨近?回避情緒, 還是因?yàn)樗麄儾⒉簧瞄L情緒調(diào)節(jié)。另外, 獨(dú)處偏好還與β抑制的增加有關(guān), 這可能是因?yàn)槠锚?dú)處的個體擁有豐富的內(nèi)心活動, 充滿了自我反思和創(chuàng)造力, 這種心智化可能是個體通過回憶過去或想象未來的互動和行為所驅(qū)動的(Huang et al., 2023)。從發(fā)展的視角來看, 前額葉在25歲之間會繼續(xù)發(fā)育和成熟(Johnson et al., 2009), 因而未來需要更多研究探索不同時期獨(dú)處的腦機(jī)制, 以及不同時期獨(dú)處與適應(yīng)功能之間關(guān)聯(lián)的腦機(jī)制, 以解釋獨(dú)處是否隨年齡增長對大腦結(jié)構(gòu)和功能產(chǎn)生不同的影響, 以及不同的生理指標(biāo)是否與個體各個時期的思維模式和社會能力相關(guān)聯(lián), 從而為個體尋求積極的獨(dú)處方式提供研究證據(jù)。
8.6 ?不同年齡階段下獨(dú)處的實(shí)踐意義
基于發(fā)展的視角, 不同年齡階段的個體獨(dú)處的益處和代價也有所差異。針對此, 我們可以通過采用不同的干預(yù)措施更有效地發(fā)揮獨(dú)處的積極作用, 減少獨(dú)處的消極影響。面對獨(dú)處不利于社會性發(fā)展的童年期獨(dú)處個體(Ding et al., 2015; Ding et al., 2019), 可以依據(jù)情境的變化來靈活應(yīng)對。例如, 當(dāng)兒童主動獨(dú)自進(jìn)行搭積木活動時(Coplan et al., 2014), 我們可以任其享受自己獨(dú)自探索的時光, 但在其他同伴互動情境鼓勵偏好獨(dú)處兒童參與其中。而對因數(shù)字技術(shù)的沖擊缺乏社會互動而表現(xiàn)高孤獨(dú)感、低心理健康水平的青少年(Twenge et al., 2019), 我們應(yīng)當(dāng)加以重視, 鼓勵其參與現(xiàn)實(shí)中的親子互動與同伴互動。雖然成年早期的個體忙于工作, 他們渴望獨(dú)處用于休息(Toyoshima & Sato, 2015), 但是他們面臨另一種風(fēng)險: 處于單身階段, 經(jīng)常獨(dú)自一人, 沒有伴侶來分享閑暇時間(Anttila et al., 2020; Toyoshima & Sato, 2015)。該階段他們重要的發(fā)展任務(wù)為親密關(guān)系, 所以我們提倡成年早期個體在保證必要的獨(dú)處時間用于休息恢復(fù)精力之外, 應(yīng)當(dāng)積極參與社交活動。至于成年中期的個體, 因其工作及養(yǎng)育壓力面臨較多獨(dú)處不足的問題, 而擴(kuò)大家庭物理空間不失為增加獨(dú)處時間的一個有效手段(Anttila et al., 2020)。另外, 近期一項(xiàng)研究證實(shí): 人生后半階段, 積極獨(dú)處的技能與通過聽音樂或正念調(diào)節(jié)情緒的技能相關(guān), 這為改善晚年生活提供了啟示(Bachman et al., 2022)。
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Understanding the adjustment functions of solitude from a lifespan development perspective: A five-round comparison of benefits and costs
Abstract: Solitude, a state of non-communication with others in a real or virtual environment, has positive or negative effects on individuals across different stages of life, from childhood to late adulthood. Previous studies have focused on the adjustment function of solitude, but have taken different views on it, either positive or negative. This study adopts a lifespan development perspective to describe the adjustment function of solitude at different ages and highlights that solitude has both benefits and costs. To further develop our understanding of solitude, future studies could: 1) Integrate the multi-dimensional and dynamic development of solitude from a personal-oriented perspective. 2) Collect more cross-sectional and longitudinal data from lifespan perspective. 3) Interpret the development process of solitude based on cultural background. 4) Examine the impact of contemporary digital technology on individual experience of solitude. 5) Explore the cognitive neural mechanisms of solitude. 6) Consider the practical implications of solitude at different developmental stages.
Keywords: solitude, lifespan development perspective, adjustment function, benefit, cost