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An American-Chinese Tale

2014-04-29 00:00:00byWuJie
China Pictorial 2014年9期

Russians thought him a spy, and the Chinese accused him as such twice, while some American believed him to be a double agent. Sidney Rittenberg (known as Li Dunbai in China), now 93, has lived a legendary life.

An American journalist, scholar, and linguist who lived in China from 1944 to 1979, Rittenberg worked closely with upper levels of the Communist Party of China(CPC), and was dubbed an “excellent international communist fighter” by Mao Zedong and a “firm international democratic gladiator” by Zhou Enlai as well as a “toeto-toe observer” and “deeply involved” in the Chinese revolution.

During his 35 years in China, he was imprisoned in solitary confinement, twice, for a total of 16 years. Still, he has never wavered in his pursuit of justice, righteousness and democracy. Why? “Because I’ve never changed my convictions.”

Prologue of a Popular Foreigner

Written by Xu Xiuli based on Rittenberg’s dictation, I’m a Chinese American has just been published in China. The book recounts Rittenberg’s ups and downs as he sought his ideals.

Rittenberg was born in 1921 to a Jewish family in Charleston, South Carolina. His grandfather was a state senator, and his father a renowned lawyer. The path Rittenberg chose bewildered his middleclass family, who continued supporting him anyway. At age 17, he joined a trade union and student’s movements in support of Civil Rights and joined the American Communist Party at 19.

In 1942, following the US’s entry into World War II and after leaving the American Communist Party, Rittenberg joined the Army and was sent to Stanford’s Army Far Eastern Language and Area School to learn Chinese, kicking off his decades-long relationship with the Far East.

Rittenberg was dispatched to Kunming, Yunnan Province, in September 1945, just after the end of World War II, to deal with non-governmental affairs at the compensation department of the American Army. By the time he was demobilized, he had made contacts with the underground CPC organizations in Kunming. He decided to stay in China rather than returning to his country. “I could contact anyone I wanted – the CPC, the Kuomintang, a worker or a professor, a citizen or a farmer,” he recalled. “I felt like there were so many wonderful things I could work on in the days to come.”

His first choice to visit was Yan’an, “a world where men and women were treated equally, people partied on weekends, and children enjoyed kindergarten,” or so he was told.

He was lucky to meet Soong Chingling (1893-1981), Mrs. Sun Yat-sen, who referred him for work with the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administra- tion (UNRRA), in charge of sending grain to disaster-affected areas of China. At that moment, Rittenberg formally resigned from the US army.

American Soldier to CPC Member

In April 1946, Rittenberg served as resident representative of the UNRRA in Lishan County, Hubei Province, where he became acquainted with Li Xiannian, a high-ranking military officer of the CPC. Dark clouds of wars gathered over Hubei as military conflicts increased. May 8, 1946, brought “peace arbitration” between representatives from three sides: CPC, Kuomintang, and USA.

During discussions, Rittenberg bumped into an American representative in the restroom, who revealed that the US government was planning on backing Chiang Kai-shek in attacking CPC-held areas on the Central Plains. He relayed the information quietly to Li Xiannian, which won him the trust of the CPC and opened the door to its senior leading body.

In September 1946, Rittenberg arrived in Yan’an and became a CPC member, with approval from five members of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee: Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and Ren Bishi.

Wind and Rain

“Wind and Rain,” a chapter of I’m a Chinese American, recounts Rittenberg’s observation of and communication with 44 decisive figures in the history of Chinese revolution and construction.

His first meeting with Mao Zedong was at a weekend party. “Mao was tall, with one of his shoulders slightly drooping,” Rittenberg described. “Talking and moving slowly, he seemed somewhat reserved.” This was his first impression of Mao.

Later, he learned more about Mao, who he considered an elite statesman, modest and eager to learn. Though he was imprisoned for 16 years during Mao’s era, Rittenberg never complained. “I don’t hate him,” he asserts. “Rather, I still love him very much. I know he made mistakes in his later years, but he is still a great figure in history because he was not a sage, but a man of action.”

Rittenberg knew how to frame things optimistically. For example, during his second imprisonment, he learned that Zhou Enlai (1898-1976), the first Premier of the PRC, insisted on keeping him locked up because he “had become involved with activities of evildoers.” He assumed that Zhou meant to protect him by saying such a thing. The term of “evildoer” was much vaguer than “American spy.” He put it this way because he knew Zhou well through his contact with him in the early days: a song and dance enthusiast, a talented statesman, organizer and diplomat, and an easygoing, trustworthy friend. He wept for a week in prison after hearing news of Zhou’s death.

Two “Special Missions”

In early 1949, Rittenberg received an order signed by Liu Shaoqi (1898-1969), then Vice Chairman of China’s Central People’s Government, to embark on a special mission to Beijing along with a senior official. He thought the journey was a chance to communicate with the US government regarding a diplomatic relationship after the founding of New China, so he was completely stunned upon reading the order: “I, on behalf of the Military Commission of the CPC Central Committee, hereby announce that You, Sidney Rittenberg, are under arrest for destroying the Chinese revolution with the American imperialists.” Meanwhile, his friend, Anna Louis Strong (1885-1970), an American journalist and activist, was arrested in Moscow and expelled from the former Soviet Union.

“They were wrong,” he explained.“But I cannot blame the Party. If I did so, I would have been someone else. And I thought it would not help the Party or the Chinese revolution if I told the public that I had been treated unjustly.”

This led him to introspection instead of complaining despite his innocence. He even refused the warden’s offer of early release if he returned to the United States.

Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai apologized for the injustice in 1955 when he was released from prison.

The period between 1958 and the early“cultural revolution” (1966-1976) was a big decade for Rittenberg, who became an iconic figure with direct access to the highest Chinese authorities. He was enthusiastic about the “cultural revolution”. He posted oversized-character posters to criticize his shortcomings and wrongdoings and express determination to fight side-by-side with the “rebels.” He soon became “man of the hour.”

On October 1, 1966, Sidney Rittenberg joined his friend Strong and four other foreigners on the Tian’anmen Gate. They were invited to join Chairman Mao Zedong in celebration of National Day. Rittenberg was treated as a political star. He published long articles in The People’s Daily, the most authoritative newspaper of the Chinese government, participated in various high-level activities, delivered speeches, and gave interviews.

His popularity didn’t last long, however. In September 1967, big-character posters appeared on walls of foreign communities in Beijing, such as China Radio International and Friendship Hotel, calling Rittenberg anti-revolutionary. Another“special mission” arrived in 1968 when he was sent to prison in Qincheng on the northern outskirts of Beijing.

In December 1977, he was set free and rehabilitated.

Isolated from the rest of the world for ten years, Rittenberg insisted that nothing had changed in him but admitted that he could hardly acclimatize himself to the real world. In 1989, he and his family returned to his homeland that he left 35 years ago.

Today, Rittenberg runs a company in the United States, “I’m doing something pragmatic and beneficial for China in a brand-new way,” he insists.

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