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英文摘要

2013-12-29 00:00:00
國際展望 2013年3期

Abstracts

International Cooperation after 2015

——Perspective from UN

WU Hongbo

Taken in their entirety, the MDGs has been a guiding framework for development. With broad successes as well as shortcomings, it’s fair to say that the MDGs provides a solid foundation on which the post-2015 development agenda should be built. In responding to emerging challenges, Member States launched sustainable development goals – SDGs, at the Rio+20 Conference in June 2012. They agreed that SDGs should be coherent with, and integrated into the UN development agenda beyond 2015, serving as a driver for implementing and mainstreaming of sustainable development. The post-2015 development agenda will be a universal, sustainable development agenda, shared by all Member States of the United Nations.

On South-South Cooperation and North-South Cooperation in International Aid Architecture

HUANG Meibo and TANG Luping

The current international foreign aid system is established and dominated by DAC countries, in which the developed countries’ aids flow into developing countries, featured as North-South Aid relationship. However, the emerging donors are getting increasing attention in recent years. The foreign aids from developing countries are featured as South-South Development Cooperation. Northern donors tend to attach political conditions to their development assistance, and the advocated aid effectiveness puts more emphasis on the aid process of normative and effective. We call it process-oriented assistance model. The emerging donors insist on the principles of solidarity and don’t impose any political conditions, emphasizing mutual benefits and economic development and poverty reduction in recipient countries. We call it growth-oriented assistance model. The developed countries’ aids have been making little difference economically, while the aids from developing countries, which advocate development effectiveness and promote economic development directly, have been widely acknowledged by their partner countries and the international community since the beginning of the 21st century. The emergence of new aid model has pushed the international community to rethink and reform the current international foreign aid system: the shift from aid effectiveness to development effectiveness is on the way.

Building a New Type of Global Development Partnership

——China-Africa Cooperation Contributes to International Development Cooperation

ZHANG Chun

UN Millenium Development Goals (MDGS) is the first international consensus in terms of global development with poverty reduction as the core goal and Africa as the core area. China-Africa cooperation has experienced 3 stages of development in terms of African MDGs implementation, from focusing on their own MDGs implementation before 2005, to helping Africa to realize MDGs from 2006 to 2011, and then emphasizing helping Africa and building post-2015 global development agenda at the same time. China-Africa cooperation has contributed a lot for African MDGs realization, both directly and indirectly, through helping Africa to realize the first seven goals directly and promoting other international actors to attach more importance for African MDGs and to develop new cooperation mechanisms with Africa. It's important to note that two parties have developed many new ideas, new approaches, new mechanisms and new resources for helping the building of post-2015 global development agenda. In this regard, China will participate more proactively to the South-South cooperation, continue supports for African MDGs, and cooperate and coordinate with Africa and the international community to contribute to the forging of post-2015 global development agenda, facilitate the building of a more equal and balanced new type of global development partnership.

China and the Multilateral Development System

——From a Taker to a Contributor

YE Yu

Although China is still one of the largest takers in the multilateral development system, it is increasingly behaving as a contributor. China’s interactions with multilateral development system experienced a process of from far to near, from old to new. Despite having attracted great attention of the world, China’s multilateral development contributions are insufficient in two aspects: capital contributions have increased fast but remain small both relatively and absolutely; knowledge influence is widespread, which, however, is mainly a result of spillover effect instead of deliberate shaping. There are a lot of reasons contributing to such above shortcomings, including: domestic development challenges and sweeping economic interests; historical and cultural tradition; fragmentation of decision-making structure and difficulties in reforming old institutions. To address global financial crisis and provide more public goods, China will gradually shift focus from traditional institutions to new ones and strengthen intellectual contributions within the traditional institutions.

Obama’s Global Strategic Adjustment and Sino-U.S. Relations

——From Ambiguous Strategies to Explicit Strategies

LIU Jianfei

The end of the Cold War made the United States the only superpower of the world, with the prowess unmatched in the world, and its international status and security situation reaching the peak of its history. Although its prowess is relatively declining, its supremacy in the world has not substantially changed. Hence, the essential spirit of its post-Cold War global strategy has never changed, i.e., its commitment to maintaining the U.S. superpower status, which includes three core targets: maintaining security, expanding economy and pushing for democracy. All adjustments of global strategy by the post-Cold War U.S. presidents were coherent in this hegemonic strategy, despite different expressions and priorities of strategic goals. Notwithstanding, all those adjustments left with a critical and dangerous tendency in common, i.e., the strategic ambiguity and flexibility are diminishing. In other words, the post-Cold War U.S. strategic adjustments are increasingly concentrating on China and the Asia-Pacific region where China situates. This trend will very likely continue in the second term of Obama presidency and greatly impact Sino-U.S. relations.

The Regional Security Dilemma and the Security Ownership

——Analyzing Possibility of the America’s “Re-pivot to the Asia-Pacific”

MA Yankun

More discussion on the America’s “re-pivot to the Asia-Pacific” involves interstate relations, but lack of analysis of regional object study. This paper attempts to observe how America’s “re-pivot to the Asia-Pacific” could be possible through analyzing the relations between the regional security dilemma and the security ownership. Asia-Pacific, as a region, has not mastered the security ownership since the end of World War II. It creates convenient conditions for America’s “into” and “re-pivot”. The major insecurity in the region led to a US-led establishment of the Asia-Pacific security system. Lack of security agreement and wide spread security dilemma among Asia-Pacific countries makes the America’s “re-pivot” and improving and upgrading its regional security system possible, although the importance of Asia-Pacific strategy at one time has been ignored by the US during the Cold War and after. The strategy of America’s “re-pivot” itself actually has a kind of hypothetical error, i.e., alleging the Asia-Pacific security dilemma is not entirely valid: America’s allies inside have apparent, different interests; China’s rise provides surrounding areas with significant strategic opportunities; Asia-Pacific countries are quite disturbed with “taking sides” pressure resulting from America’s “re-pivot”. For China, America’s “re–pivot to Asia-Pacific” itself is both a challenge and an opportunity.

On Russia’s Soft-power Diplomacy

WAN Qingsong and WANG Shuchun

Abstract: As international situation changes continually, soft-power is increasingly used as a diplomatic instrument to realize the strategic goal of nations, especially great powers. Since the onset of the 21st century, Russia has undergone great change in its understanding of the importance of soft-power, and the soft-power diplomacy has become one of the important instruments of Russia’s diplomacy. With the deep exploration into Russia’s tremendous potential of soft-power resources, Russia’s soft-power diplomacy has made great progress, manifested in three aspects: cultural diplomacy, multilateral diplomacy and public diplomacy. Notably, Russia has a long way to go in its soft-power diplomacy, due to the obstacles to the promotion of Russian language and education, R&D stagnation, and lack of the ability of innovation. In addition, it is extremely difficult to transform the national image and to make its political visions attractive. In the short run, Russia’s effort in developing and employing its soft-power will not take effect immediately. But in the long run, Russia’s soft-power will not remain inferior to other countries, nor should its potentiality and prosperity be overlooked.

Russia’s Setting of International Energy Security Agenda:

——From a Securitization Perspective

Wei Jinshen

International agenda setting is an important issue of international relations theory. As an important part of the cultural "soft power", the actors’ capacity of international agenda setting reflects its discourse power, hence attaches great importance to all countries in the world. After the end of the Cold War, Russia participates actively in the international affairs, setting the international agenda has become one of the main ways to maintain Russia great power status, and establish Russia national image. As the world's major energy producer, in recent years, Russian has set the international agenda of energy security issues in different occasions. Why did Russia set the international agenda of energy security? How effective of Russia’s setting of international agenda on energy security? This article attempts to analyse them from a security perspective.

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